ANKARA, Turkey (CNN) -- The war drums are getting louder in Turkey, and they can be heard next door in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq, and across the globe in Washington as well.
Many Turkish officials and citizens -- enraged by Tuesday's deadly bombing -- want the Turkish military to hit back at the Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, the hard-line Kurdish separatist group thought by many in the government and on the street to have staged the blast and other militant actions.
At least six people died and more than 100 were injured in the rush hour bombing at an Ankara shopping district. (Full story)
Senior Turkish officers have said that operations against the PKK would require troops to cross into the Kurdish region of northern Iraq, which many PKK militants -- also long situated in southeastern Turkey -- have chosen as their base.
The PKK denies involvement in the Ankara attack, and a U.S. State Department spokesman cautions that the investigation into the attack is "ongoing."
However, the outrage in Turkey toward the PKK has been boiling over.
On Thursday, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan said that if the military were to request a retaliation, the parliament, which is dominated by Erdogan's AK party, would support it.
Turkey's army chief, Gen. Yasar Buyukanit, said recently his troops are ready to attack what he calls Kurdish terrorist camps in northern Iraq. And retired Turkish Gen. Edip Baser told CNN he believes an operation could be just weeks away.
As late as two weeks ago, there were an estimated 150,000 Turkish soldiers on or near the Turkish-Iraq border, and the PKK has stepped up cross-border attacks into the Kurdish region of Turkey now that snows have melted in the border mountains.
Seven Turkish soldiers were killed in the volatile southeast this week.
Six Turkish soldiers died and 10 were wounded Thursday when a roadside bomb detonated near the town of Siirt, the Turkish military said. Another soldier died Wednesday in an accident near Van during a search operation.
July election
The tough talk in Ankara comes two months before a general election, in which Erdogan's party, a movement with Islamist roots, faces a challenge from secularist parties. The vast majority of Turks are Muslims, but there has been a strict separation of mosque and state since the Turkish republic came into being in 1923. (Full story)
Supporters of Turkey's secular heritage have been demonstrating for weeks against the plan by Erdogan's governing party to vote one of its own members to the Turkish presidency.
Some analysts think that in the run-up to the election, Erdogan's AK party will use a war against Kurdish separatists to rally public opinion and downplay its differences with the military.
Mustafa Aydin -- professor of international relations at Ankara University and the National Security Academy -- said the government would "try to use this to rally Turkish people around the government, around the people. They will most likely try to use nationalistic themes and terms during the propaganda."
U.S. support
Nationalist feelings in Turkey are running high. Many Turks are disappointed with the lack of U.S. support for this long-time ally on the issue of operations against the PKK -- and resent U.S. support for Kurdish autonomy in northern Iraq.
The United States is not deaf to the problem, but is caught between the competing interests of vital regional allies.
Two months ago, the special U.S. envoy working with Turkey on the threat of the PKK testified before a House committee. Retired Gen. Joseph Ralston said that Turkey is a "sovereign state with a responsibility to defend its people. Ultimately, the Turkish government will have to take the steps it thinks are necessary to protect its citizens."
He pointed to efforts to close a refugee camp in northern Iraq that has become a refuge for fighters and to get a "cessation of hostilities."
"Diplomatic progress on this issue has come grudgingly and with great effort, but there has been progress," Ralston testified in March. He could not immediately be reached for comment Thursday.
State Department spokesman Tom Casey cautioned that the Turkish authorities have not come to any final conclusions about who is responsible for the blast and that their probe into the blast continues.
At the same time, he said, "we believe, as does the Iraqi government, that the PKK represents a real threat, and it's a threat that needs to be dealt with."
Ralston's appointment as special envoy shows the importance of the issue, he said.
Casey said the "best way to deal" with the PKK is through "continued cooperation" between Turkey and Iraq, with the help of the United States.
"And we certainly don't think unilateral military action from Turkey or anyplace else would solve anything," he said.
Iraq backs Turkey
The Turkish Foreign Ministry said Thursday that the Iraqi government has expressed a willingness to work with Turkey on the issue of PKK terrorism.
Baser, a former special Turkish envoy on the PKK, has called the issue a "testing ground of Turkish-American relations."
The PKK has backing, with many Kurds in Iraq, Iran, Syria and Turkey supporting a dream of an independent state. One PKK sympathizer, Faik Kaplan, told CNN that inviting the PKK to lay down its arms would be a better way to go than Turkish troops crossing the border.
But Turkey says it won't talk to PKK militants, and that stand resonates on the streets. Mustafa Ersoy, an Ankara shopkeeper, said: "The special message the flag carries is that the Turkish people are one body. And there is no power that can split the Turkish people into pieces."
The PKK has been fighting for what it calls Kurdish rights since the early 1980s. More than 30,000 people have lost their lives in the violence. The last incursions made by Turkey into Iraq came in the early 1990s.
CNN's Paula Hancocks, Phil Black, Talia Kayali, Joe Sterling and Elise Labott contributed to this report.
Friday, May 25, 2007
Monday, May 21, 2007
Taking stock in Turkey/Can Islamists and secularists work together?
Turkey’s general and presidential elections just might re-establish a tenuous balance of power between warring secularists and Islamists, reducing regime tensions at the expense of creating a less stable, and possibly more natıonalist, government. Whatever the outcome, Turkey will retain its contradictions—and an economy closely attuned to global liquidity conditions.
The catalyst for this test of strength has been the expiry of the term of Turkey's president, Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a 65-year-old former judge. By now, since his term ran out on May 16th, Mr Sezer should be relaxing in the bright spring sunshine on the balcony of his retirement home in a lakeside suburb of Ankara. Instead, he remains in the presidential palace—his home for the past seven years—overlooking the city centre. No date been fixed for his move.
The president is not complaining. Alongside the armed forces, the universities and the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), he has been a mainstay of the secularist camp confronting the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP), a party of Islamist roots. He is therefore unlikely to have been disappointed by the May 1st ruling of the Constitutional Court (of which he is a former president) which has, in effect, prevented the AKP from choosing his successor.
The Court issued its controversial judgment only days after the sole candidate Abdullah Gul, the foreign minister, had won the first round of voting--and after the armed forces had demanded a president committed to the secularist values of modern Turkey’s founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, lambasting the government for Islamicising education and social life. The judges upheld the opposition’s claim that two-thirds of MPs had to be present for a vote on a new head of state to be valid. With the CHP and the centre-right Motherland Party (ANAP) boycotting presidential ballots, the prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the charismatic but abrasive AKP leader, had no choice but to bring forward November’s general election.
Election lottery
Polling will take place on July 22nd, and predicting the outcome is strictly for gamblers. The Elections Law prevents parties winning less than 10% of the national vote from taking up seats in parliament. In 2002, 45% of the electorate voted for parties that won no seats. The five best losers took 9%, 8%, 7%, 6% and 5% of the vote respectively. In consequence, the AKP won 363 of the 550 seats with 34% of the votes, and the CHP won 178 with 19%. Independents took nine seats. Some parties, notably ANAP, which scored only 5%, later established a parliamentary presence by transferring MPs from other parties.
Until April, financial analysts were looking forward to a repeat performance this year. A renewed overall majority for the AKP, it was assumed, would guarantee the continuation of tight fiscal policy, the privatisation programme and other IMF-backed reforms. But massive demonstrations staged in Ankara, Istanbul and Izmir on April 14th, April 29th and May 13th have attested to the depth of public concern, especially among women, about Turkey’s alleged Islamist drift, reinforcing the die-hard determination of the secularist camp. In these circumstances, monopolisation of power by the AKP has come to be seen as a risk, and political stability can no longer be equated with single-party government. Conversely, a more representative parliament and a broader-based government could mitigate social tensions.
New balance?
An AKP-led coalition looks worth a small bet. Mr Erdogan’s outfit is still the party to beat. It is backed by Sunni Islamic sects and charities, conservative businessmen, Islamist media organs and a swathe of the urban poor. It has a strong power base in local government. It has distributed jobs, contracts and food parcels. In contrast to the financial crisis and recession of 2001, it can boast a five-year record of 7.5% annual GDP growth—although few employees or farmers will admit to having seen any benefits. At the same time, other parties could increase—or at least consolidate—their support. The alliance recently forged with the small Democratic Left Party (DSP) may help CHP leader Deniz Baykal to overcome disenchantment with his narrowly-focused leadership. Meanwhile, the ANAP leader, Erkan Mumcu, has announced a merger with the True Path Party (DYP), the fellow centre-right party now led by ex-Interior Minister Mehmet Agar, which came third in 2002. The merged entity, to be known as the Democrat Party (DP), could attract support from big business and the mainstream media, which are no longer comfortable with the AKP. It will be the AKP’s most likely coalition partner.
Any coalition could bicker, procrastinate and eventually dissolve. It might also have to respond to public cynicism about Ankara’s EU, Cyprus and Iraq policies, and to criticisms of the overvalued lira and the high 17.5% overnight rate—a combination widely believed to favour financial investors at the expense of national industry and jobs. Issues such as these have contributed more than is often recognised to anti-AKP sentiment.
By way of complications, the far right Nationalist Action Party (MHP), fourth placed in 2002, is hoping to re-enter parliament. So are Kurdish nationalists—anathema to the MHP—who plan to circumvent the 10% rule by standing as independents. Kurdish nationalist PKK insurgents still regularly kill and are killed by conscript soldiers in the mainly Kurdish-populated Southeast, and plant bombs in other cities and tourist resorts. There have been no Kurdish nationalist MPs since thirteen were hounded from their seats in 1994. This year’s candidates can expect obstruction and harassment.
Holding firm
For all its fault lines and weaknesses, Turkey is not on the eve of collapse or revolution. Support for an outright military coup is minimal. Polling, as usual, will be largely free and fair. Similarly, whatever wild pledges they may make to the electorate over the next two months, none of the major parties are in principle opposed to the open free-market economy, fiscal rectitude or to attempts to lure foreign capital.
For now, the economy is riding a flood of global liquidity. The trade and current account deficits are said to be the fourth and sixth largest in the world respectively. But foreign lending and investment are financing them with ease. This week the lira firmed further to about YTL1.32:US$1, notwithstanding stubborn 10% inflation and data releases that underlined the ongoing slowdown in growth.
The solid fiscal performance of recent years may worsen in 2007 due to sluggish tax revenues, higher interest costs and some pre-election loosening by the government. However, privatisation is generating revenues (the recent offer for sale of Petkim, a petrochemical producer has attracted 19 bids), and a resurrection of debt sustainability doubts is some way off. A disruptively sharp currency correction is unlikely unless global tides turn or politics tests the nerves of the markets and domestic savers more severely. Eight years of IMF standby accords seem to be drawing safely to a close.
Electing the president
As for Mr. Sezer, he could help to clarify his retirement date this week by approving a package of drastic constitutional amendments which the AKP and ANAP have hastily pushed through Parliament. The amendments introduce direct election of the president in a “French-style” double ballot, cut the presidential term from seven years to five, permit a sitting president to be re-elected and space general elections every four years instead of every five. The president has until May 26th to make up his mind. Most likely, he will return the package to parliament for further consideration. If parliament then insists, he can also put it to a referendum.
In a nutshell, the new head of state may be elected by the people or parliament, with or without a referendum (which may or may not coincide with the general election). The AKP is standing by Mr Gul, but if it is to remain in government, a figure acceptable to the secularists would be a wiser choice for the sake of stability.
May 21st 2007
From the Economist Intelligence Unit ViewsWire
The catalyst for this test of strength has been the expiry of the term of Turkey's president, Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a 65-year-old former judge. By now, since his term ran out on May 16th, Mr Sezer should be relaxing in the bright spring sunshine on the balcony of his retirement home in a lakeside suburb of Ankara. Instead, he remains in the presidential palace—his home for the past seven years—overlooking the city centre. No date been fixed for his move.
The president is not complaining. Alongside the armed forces, the universities and the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), he has been a mainstay of the secularist camp confronting the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP), a party of Islamist roots. He is therefore unlikely to have been disappointed by the May 1st ruling of the Constitutional Court (of which he is a former president) which has, in effect, prevented the AKP from choosing his successor.
The Court issued its controversial judgment only days after the sole candidate Abdullah Gul, the foreign minister, had won the first round of voting--and after the armed forces had demanded a president committed to the secularist values of modern Turkey’s founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, lambasting the government for Islamicising education and social life. The judges upheld the opposition’s claim that two-thirds of MPs had to be present for a vote on a new head of state to be valid. With the CHP and the centre-right Motherland Party (ANAP) boycotting presidential ballots, the prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the charismatic but abrasive AKP leader, had no choice but to bring forward November’s general election.
Election lottery
Polling will take place on July 22nd, and predicting the outcome is strictly for gamblers. The Elections Law prevents parties winning less than 10% of the national vote from taking up seats in parliament. In 2002, 45% of the electorate voted for parties that won no seats. The five best losers took 9%, 8%, 7%, 6% and 5% of the vote respectively. In consequence, the AKP won 363 of the 550 seats with 34% of the votes, and the CHP won 178 with 19%. Independents took nine seats. Some parties, notably ANAP, which scored only 5%, later established a parliamentary presence by transferring MPs from other parties.
Until April, financial analysts were looking forward to a repeat performance this year. A renewed overall majority for the AKP, it was assumed, would guarantee the continuation of tight fiscal policy, the privatisation programme and other IMF-backed reforms. But massive demonstrations staged in Ankara, Istanbul and Izmir on April 14th, April 29th and May 13th have attested to the depth of public concern, especially among women, about Turkey’s alleged Islamist drift, reinforcing the die-hard determination of the secularist camp. In these circumstances, monopolisation of power by the AKP has come to be seen as a risk, and political stability can no longer be equated with single-party government. Conversely, a more representative parliament and a broader-based government could mitigate social tensions.
New balance?
An AKP-led coalition looks worth a small bet. Mr Erdogan’s outfit is still the party to beat. It is backed by Sunni Islamic sects and charities, conservative businessmen, Islamist media organs and a swathe of the urban poor. It has a strong power base in local government. It has distributed jobs, contracts and food parcels. In contrast to the financial crisis and recession of 2001, it can boast a five-year record of 7.5% annual GDP growth—although few employees or farmers will admit to having seen any benefits. At the same time, other parties could increase—or at least consolidate—their support. The alliance recently forged with the small Democratic Left Party (DSP) may help CHP leader Deniz Baykal to overcome disenchantment with his narrowly-focused leadership. Meanwhile, the ANAP leader, Erkan Mumcu, has announced a merger with the True Path Party (DYP), the fellow centre-right party now led by ex-Interior Minister Mehmet Agar, which came third in 2002. The merged entity, to be known as the Democrat Party (DP), could attract support from big business and the mainstream media, which are no longer comfortable with the AKP. It will be the AKP’s most likely coalition partner.
Any coalition could bicker, procrastinate and eventually dissolve. It might also have to respond to public cynicism about Ankara’s EU, Cyprus and Iraq policies, and to criticisms of the overvalued lira and the high 17.5% overnight rate—a combination widely believed to favour financial investors at the expense of national industry and jobs. Issues such as these have contributed more than is often recognised to anti-AKP sentiment.
By way of complications, the far right Nationalist Action Party (MHP), fourth placed in 2002, is hoping to re-enter parliament. So are Kurdish nationalists—anathema to the MHP—who plan to circumvent the 10% rule by standing as independents. Kurdish nationalist PKK insurgents still regularly kill and are killed by conscript soldiers in the mainly Kurdish-populated Southeast, and plant bombs in other cities and tourist resorts. There have been no Kurdish nationalist MPs since thirteen were hounded from their seats in 1994. This year’s candidates can expect obstruction and harassment.
Holding firm
For all its fault lines and weaknesses, Turkey is not on the eve of collapse or revolution. Support for an outright military coup is minimal. Polling, as usual, will be largely free and fair. Similarly, whatever wild pledges they may make to the electorate over the next two months, none of the major parties are in principle opposed to the open free-market economy, fiscal rectitude or to attempts to lure foreign capital.
For now, the economy is riding a flood of global liquidity. The trade and current account deficits are said to be the fourth and sixth largest in the world respectively. But foreign lending and investment are financing them with ease. This week the lira firmed further to about YTL1.32:US$1, notwithstanding stubborn 10% inflation and data releases that underlined the ongoing slowdown in growth.
The solid fiscal performance of recent years may worsen in 2007 due to sluggish tax revenues, higher interest costs and some pre-election loosening by the government. However, privatisation is generating revenues (the recent offer for sale of Petkim, a petrochemical producer has attracted 19 bids), and a resurrection of debt sustainability doubts is some way off. A disruptively sharp currency correction is unlikely unless global tides turn or politics tests the nerves of the markets and domestic savers more severely. Eight years of IMF standby accords seem to be drawing safely to a close.
Electing the president
As for Mr. Sezer, he could help to clarify his retirement date this week by approving a package of drastic constitutional amendments which the AKP and ANAP have hastily pushed through Parliament. The amendments introduce direct election of the president in a “French-style” double ballot, cut the presidential term from seven years to five, permit a sitting president to be re-elected and space general elections every four years instead of every five. The president has until May 26th to make up his mind. Most likely, he will return the package to parliament for further consideration. If parliament then insists, he can also put it to a referendum.
In a nutshell, the new head of state may be elected by the people or parliament, with or without a referendum (which may or may not coincide with the general election). The AKP is standing by Mr Gul, but if it is to remain in government, a figure acceptable to the secularists would be a wiser choice for the sake of stability.
May 21st 2007
From the Economist Intelligence Unit ViewsWire
In Turkey, a rumble is heard in Ataturk's grave
ISTANBUL: Surveying the wreckage of the Ottoman Empire in the 1920s, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk saw an impoverished peasant society that was 90 percent illiterate, whose primary exports were tobacco and dried fruit.
An autocrat, a drinker and a nation builder, Ataturk set about assembling a state meant to wrench his countrymen out of their backwardness.
Today, Turkey is poised to join Europe - if the Continent will have it - in what would be the fulfillment of Ataturk's vision. But in an irony of history, a group of politicians who value Islam are hoisting Turkey toward the club, which Ataturk's secular contemporaries never were able to do.
So a look to Turkey's past is useful to understand its complicated present.
The model for a new Turkish state, Ataturk believed, was to be found in the nations of Europe and the West, where modern thought and reason had made the societies rich. Religion, he concluded, was a major hindrance to becoming modern.
"My people are going to learn the principles of democracy, the dictates of truth and the teachings of science," a well-known quotation of his goes. "Superstition must go. Let them worship as they will; every man can follow his own conscience provided it does not interfere with sane reason or bid him act against the liberty of his fellow men."
Andrew Mango, author of "Ataturk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey," said that Ataturk "accepted religion as a social fact, but he had no time for it."
So Ataturk instituted radical secular reforms. Changing the alphabet, replacing the Shariah with the Swiss civil code, criminalizing the wearing of the fez and traditional dress and discouraging the veil were intended to protect the state from religion, not just separate the two. And the approach was not unusual in Ataturk's day.
Revolutionaries in Mexico and Russia also linked the concepts of modernization and anticlericalism. A few years later, in Iran, Reza Shah would copy Ataturk's approach wholesale.
Over the next eight decades, the system that Ataturk built settled deeply into Turkish society. It brought Turkey up to levels of economic and social development on par with Europe's. The secular establishment produced wealthy families who established generously endowed private universities and museums. Turkey became largely literate and acquired a growing middle class.
But politically, it remained frozen in time.
While Europe redefined its ideas of modernity in ways that emphasized democracy, tolerance and human rights, Turkey's leaders continued down a path of rigid, corrupt and sometimes harshly repressive rule. The military remained the central guardian of Ataturk's legacy, ousting four elected governments in the last four decades of the 20th century. A period of economic openness in the 1980s was the one sustained break in the pattern of state control.
So the political group that claims to defend Ataturk's legacy became the one offering the least in the way of new ideas. "They defend secularism in a religious, dogmatic way," said Akif Emre, a columnist for Yeni Safak, a conservative newspaper here.
A turning point came in 2002, when voters rebelled against a spectacular display of corruption and incompetence by the secular parties and elected instead the party of Recep Tayyip Erdogan - a former mayor of Istanbul whose party, despite its Islamic roots, had proved adaptable to the rules of democracy while holding municipal power.
In the last four years, as the dominant power in Parliament, it has drawn more Turks into the political process and adopted as its major goal membership in the European Union. It has passed more than 800 laws to make Turkish laws and standards match those in Europe. It has scrapped the death penalty. It has removed military representatives from several layers of the civilian government.
Its domestic audience remains fearful of where any party with Islamist roots might one day lead Turkey; thousands of Turks have rallied in at least three major cities in the past month to express those concerns.
"If Ataturk came back today, he would say, 'I'm afraid I need to erase this and start all over again,' " said Guldal Okutucu, the head of the women's branch of the main secular opposition party. "He would have told his nation to wake up."
But a number of foreign experts and officials have concluded that Turkey's new leaders seem committed to the kind of dynamic, pluralist society that Europeans might welcome into their club.
"They opened up a system that had to be opened up to get into the EU," said Joost Lagendijk, a member of the European Parliament who heads a committee on Turkish issues. If the parties of the secular elites "had remained in the government it would have been impossible to start EU negotiations," he said.
Israel, which developed a military partnership with Turkey in the 1990s and might have been expected to be suspicious of the new government, has instead expressed enthusiasm. "We are at the highest moment in relations with Turkey ever," said Pinhas Avivi, Israel's ambassador to Turkey. "No prophet could have seen it in advance."
Trade with Israel is now $2.5 billion, double what it was before Erdogan came to power, he said.
But some important Europeans remain skeptical. Nicolas Sarkozy, the new president of France, put opposition to Turkey's membership in the European Union into his campaign platform, arguing that the country is neither culturally nor geographically part of Europe - a stance that Erdogan took issue with last week.
"Mr. Sarkozy has to overcome these prejudices," Erdogan said. "If we are going to integrate civilizations inside the European Union, and say that the European Union is not a Christian club, Sarkozy has to look at his thoughts once more."
What would Ataturk think?
Mango said the nation builder had no feeling of inferiority when dealing with Europeans. If Ataturk were to encounter Sarkozy today, he said, "he wouldn't have felt that this just shows how civilized people hate us; it would just mean that Sarkozy is not a very civilized man."
An autocrat, a drinker and a nation builder, Ataturk set about assembling a state meant to wrench his countrymen out of their backwardness.
Today, Turkey is poised to join Europe - if the Continent will have it - in what would be the fulfillment of Ataturk's vision. But in an irony of history, a group of politicians who value Islam are hoisting Turkey toward the club, which Ataturk's secular contemporaries never were able to do.
So a look to Turkey's past is useful to understand its complicated present.
The model for a new Turkish state, Ataturk believed, was to be found in the nations of Europe and the West, where modern thought and reason had made the societies rich. Religion, he concluded, was a major hindrance to becoming modern.
"My people are going to learn the principles of democracy, the dictates of truth and the teachings of science," a well-known quotation of his goes. "Superstition must go. Let them worship as they will; every man can follow his own conscience provided it does not interfere with sane reason or bid him act against the liberty of his fellow men."
Andrew Mango, author of "Ataturk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey," said that Ataturk "accepted religion as a social fact, but he had no time for it."
So Ataturk instituted radical secular reforms. Changing the alphabet, replacing the Shariah with the Swiss civil code, criminalizing the wearing of the fez and traditional dress and discouraging the veil were intended to protect the state from religion, not just separate the two. And the approach was not unusual in Ataturk's day.
Revolutionaries in Mexico and Russia also linked the concepts of modernization and anticlericalism. A few years later, in Iran, Reza Shah would copy Ataturk's approach wholesale.
Over the next eight decades, the system that Ataturk built settled deeply into Turkish society. It brought Turkey up to levels of economic and social development on par with Europe's. The secular establishment produced wealthy families who established generously endowed private universities and museums. Turkey became largely literate and acquired a growing middle class.
But politically, it remained frozen in time.
While Europe redefined its ideas of modernity in ways that emphasized democracy, tolerance and human rights, Turkey's leaders continued down a path of rigid, corrupt and sometimes harshly repressive rule. The military remained the central guardian of Ataturk's legacy, ousting four elected governments in the last four decades of the 20th century. A period of economic openness in the 1980s was the one sustained break in the pattern of state control.
So the political group that claims to defend Ataturk's legacy became the one offering the least in the way of new ideas. "They defend secularism in a religious, dogmatic way," said Akif Emre, a columnist for Yeni Safak, a conservative newspaper here.
A turning point came in 2002, when voters rebelled against a spectacular display of corruption and incompetence by the secular parties and elected instead the party of Recep Tayyip Erdogan - a former mayor of Istanbul whose party, despite its Islamic roots, had proved adaptable to the rules of democracy while holding municipal power.
In the last four years, as the dominant power in Parliament, it has drawn more Turks into the political process and adopted as its major goal membership in the European Union. It has passed more than 800 laws to make Turkish laws and standards match those in Europe. It has scrapped the death penalty. It has removed military representatives from several layers of the civilian government.
Its domestic audience remains fearful of where any party with Islamist roots might one day lead Turkey; thousands of Turks have rallied in at least three major cities in the past month to express those concerns.
"If Ataturk came back today, he would say, 'I'm afraid I need to erase this and start all over again,' " said Guldal Okutucu, the head of the women's branch of the main secular opposition party. "He would have told his nation to wake up."
But a number of foreign experts and officials have concluded that Turkey's new leaders seem committed to the kind of dynamic, pluralist society that Europeans might welcome into their club.
"They opened up a system that had to be opened up to get into the EU," said Joost Lagendijk, a member of the European Parliament who heads a committee on Turkish issues. If the parties of the secular elites "had remained in the government it would have been impossible to start EU negotiations," he said.
Israel, which developed a military partnership with Turkey in the 1990s and might have been expected to be suspicious of the new government, has instead expressed enthusiasm. "We are at the highest moment in relations with Turkey ever," said Pinhas Avivi, Israel's ambassador to Turkey. "No prophet could have seen it in advance."
Trade with Israel is now $2.5 billion, double what it was before Erdogan came to power, he said.
But some important Europeans remain skeptical. Nicolas Sarkozy, the new president of France, put opposition to Turkey's membership in the European Union into his campaign platform, arguing that the country is neither culturally nor geographically part of Europe - a stance that Erdogan took issue with last week.
"Mr. Sarkozy has to overcome these prejudices," Erdogan said. "If we are going to integrate civilizations inside the European Union, and say that the European Union is not a Christian club, Sarkozy has to look at his thoughts once more."
What would Ataturk think?
Mango said the nation builder had no feeling of inferiority when dealing with Europeans. If Ataturk were to encounter Sarkozy today, he said, "he wouldn't have felt that this just shows how civilized people hate us; it would just mean that Sarkozy is not a very civilized man."
Sunday, May 20, 2007
World View Podcast
CALVIN SIMS. Welcome to The New York Times World View podcast, a weekly conversation with Times foreign correspondents from across the globe. I’m Calvin Sims of The Times. I spent 10 years as a foreign correspondent for the paper.
This week, I speak with Sabrina Tavernise, Times Istanbul correspondent, about the recent political crisis in Turkey, which is struggling to reconcile secularism, Islam and democracy.
Q. Sabrina, Turkey recently suffered its worst political crisis in many years when the military threatened to intervene against Turkey’s moderately Islamic government. What happened? What brought this all about?
A. Well, it was initially a fight over the position of the presidency. And the presidency is not as powerful as the prime minister — Turkey has a parliamentary system, so its prime minister is the most powerful — but the presidency is seen as the highest post in Turkey’s secular establishment. Turkey’s a secular state, founded in 1923, and the state itself and the people who control the state and run things are secular elite that have been running the state for many years, since the state’s founding. And they felt very threatened that this post was about to be taken by a young and up-and-coming government, political party, that had belonged to several political parties in the past with backgrounds in political Islam.
It’s a little bit difficult to understand, but the political party now in power that’s run by Prime Minister Erdogan, it’s called the AK party, that stands for justice and development, and the party has been really doing phenomenally well economically, has been opening up the country in terms of democratic reforms, taking away military leaders that had been members of civil councils and ministries — really has been doing a lot to open up the system that had existed for about 80 years.
Q. Prime Minister Erdogan’s party, how can you characterize it? Is it an Islamic party? Does it have Islamic leanings?
A. It’s really not an Islamic party. But the people who formed the party came from backgrounds in Islamic politics. So the party really takes offense when people describe it as an Islamist party. It’s really not. They are very, very devout Muslims, however. They do not want their religion to run the country; they don’t want their religion in politics; they don’t want to apply religious views in matters of state. And they really have pretty much stuck to that line throughout their fours years in power. They came to power in 2002.
Q. And so Prime Minister Erdogan was going to nominate the foreign minister to the post of the presidency. And why is it the secularists didn’t like this? What was wrong with this foreign minister from their standpoint?
A. Well, Abdullah Gul has been a very agile and skillful foreign minister. However, his wife wears the Islamic head-covering, headscarf, hijab, and that was something that’s deeply symbolic in Turkey and was something that was quite distasteful to the secular establishment.
Now the argument that the AK party and Mr. Erdogan and his supporters make is that, in fact, the objection to Mr. Gul is much more about the secular establishment wanting to stay in power and much less about objections to religion.
The concern by secular Turks who are not members of the elite, however, also has its merits, which goes essentially like this — Mr. Erdogan and his supporters may not be bringing Islam into politics now, say that they won’t, say that they don’t want to, but they have a large grass-roots constituency of supporters who really would like to see more freedom to practice their religion.
And secular Turks say, We don’t really know what their vision for a future for Turkey is — Do they want to see it more religious? Do they want to see it more devout? Will I be able to walk around not wearing a headscarf? Once they have freedom to practice their religion more, how free will I be to practice my secular lifestyle? And that’s essentially the conflict.
Q. And so this comes to nearly a head when the vote is about to take place to approve Gul. And in the midst of this the military issues basically a warning. Now that would seem very strange to most Americans, that the military would issue a warning that if this foreign minister is actually elected president that they might actually take some action. How does that come about?
A. Well the military is extremely powerful in the Turkish state. It’s the last check in the system of checks and balances for secularism. It considers itself the protector, the defender of Ataturk’s secular legacy. It’s deposed, by military and non-military means, four elected governments since 1960. It really plays a large part in the foundation of the Turkish state also. Ataturk was a military man. It’s not quite as nefarious as everybody would like to make it out to be, but a lot of Turks are arguing that its messing in politics has outlived its usefulness, and it’s unlikely and unhelpful if it interfered now. People don’t really expect it to, but of course it’s not out of the question.
Q. And we should point out that the military there in Turkey has intervened and launched several coups on the past. Right?
A. Yes, four elected governments since 1960 it has ousted.
Q. So how was this resolved? Obviously Mr. Erdogan nominated Mr. Gul. And was there a vote? Did the military actually start to launch a coup? How did this resolve itself?
A. No, the military simply gave a warning on April 27, although it was a very stern one and highly unusual, and that is what made everybody worry that there might be a coup. Soon after there was — essentially an opposition political party filed a case against Mr. Erdogan and Mr. Gul in the constitutional court, arguing over procedural details basically — saying that there were not enough people present at the voting for Mr. Gul in order to make a quorum in order to have the session be valid.
The constitutional court, which is also really part of the secular establishment itself, of course, ruled in favor of the opposition party. And that’s essentially what blocked Mr. Gul and Mr. Erdogan from getting their way with the presidency.
Now they’re suggesting that the president be elected by popular vote — so essentially taking that extremely sensitive and important position out of the hands of the secular establishment and putting it into a popular ballot in front of Turks across the nation. That is something that could really shake up the power structure as well.
Q. Now there were massive protests by Turks, and in many of these protests they were speaking out not only against military intervention but also what they saw as a move toward a more Islamic state. What do most Turks make of this? Do they think this is a normal part of democracy there? Are they upset with the secular establishment for blocking what would be a democratic vote under their current system for Mr. Gul? What’s their take?
A. It really depends on who you talk to because, you know, the nation really is split. There are a large group of people who are more religious, had never really had any real access to power, were thought of almost kind of as second-class citizens I would argue, although people would dispute that, and are now coming into their own. There’s been an economic boom. People have become middle class, lower-middle class and they’re pushing up into power. Those people are saying, What’s wrong with us wearing a headscarf in the university? What’s wrong with that? These ideas you have of modernism are very outdated.
And then you have the group of people in society who are saying, I don’t really know where Mr. Erdogan is taking all of this. What is his vision for gender equality? What is his vision for protecting my secular lifestyle once we start giving more religious freedoms? I don’t trust that the rank and file of his party will respect my secular ways.
Q. You make a very good point, Sabrina, which is that behind this, this is a struggle — a struggle between this urban secular elite and this new emerging middle class of religious Turks who are perhaps, as maybe you’ve written, chipping away at the economic and political power that had been there with the elite. Right?
A. Right.
Q. Why are secular Turks so fearful of Erdogan and his government? What do they think will happen? They’ve not promoted or proposed any laws that would challenge the secular tenets of the Turkish Constitution, have they?
A. Well, they first of all come from a deeply conservative and religious background, and the party that they belonged to that was shut down by the state in 1997 was very, very much a religious Islamic political party. They remember that that was their very recent past. You know, these are deeply emotional issues — I mean do you go to a public swimming pool where it’s separated by men and women? I mean that’s something that some Turks would say that’s old-fashioned and absurd and I don’t want to have to have my family and my home and my neighborhood be subject to that. And then others would say, This is the only way we can go to a public swimming pool. We can’t be in a bathing suit in front of other people’s husbands. You know, they are emotional things.
I think that there is some exaggeration of the Islamist threat. But there’s also some real concerns that just aren’t being addressed by the politicians. They’re not talking about it. No one’s saying what their vision for the future and for secular lifestyles is. In fact, they dismiss the demonstrations and the secular people who have concerns as kind of irrational, irrelevant and not worth their time talking about.
Q. At the same time, Prime Minister Erdogan’s government, as you pointed out, has proven itself to be quite efficient in delivering basic needs and services there and the economy is booming. So I would imagine — Is this government very popular because of the way it’s running Turkey?
A. They definitely had many voters, there were some political analysts who told me, in the last election who voted for them because of the corruption by previous governments and these guys seemed less corrupt. And they were — Mr. Erdogan was very active as Istanbul’s city mayor. So, yes, they did definitely win votes because of their performance. But it’s also part of it is a religious identity vote, not all of it.
Q. How should we in the United States view what is happening there in Turkey? Turkey has been somewhat of a model of how democracy in a predominantly Muslim country can be compatible. How should we view what is taking place there — this sort of clash between democracy, secularism and Islam?
A. I think it still is a model. I mean I think that it still has a lot to teach the world and it hasn’t gone backwards in any way. I think it’s just trying to, itself, work out in its own mind where this is going. And I think in a lot of ways it’s healthy, that it’s a very public process that’s happening on the streets and in newspapers and on television talk shows. They are being extremely thoughtful about it.
Q. What are political analysts there predicting will happen, especially this summer when new elections are going to be held again?
A. A lot of them say that Mr. Erdogan and his AK party will probably do better in the popular vote than it did in 2002.I It’ll probably get more votes. However, they expect that it will have fewer seats in Parliament because the opposition parties will probably band together and will manage to present a pretty good challenge in terms of parliamentary seats. So that’s what people are saying right now.
Q. Well, Sabrina Tavernise, Times Istanbul correspondent, thank you so much for speaking with us.
A. Thanks, Calvin.
SIMS. And thanks for listening. I’m Calvin Sims of The New York Times. I’ll be back next week with another edition of World View.
This week, I speak with Sabrina Tavernise, Times Istanbul correspondent, about the recent political crisis in Turkey, which is struggling to reconcile secularism, Islam and democracy.
Q. Sabrina, Turkey recently suffered its worst political crisis in many years when the military threatened to intervene against Turkey’s moderately Islamic government. What happened? What brought this all about?
A. Well, it was initially a fight over the position of the presidency. And the presidency is not as powerful as the prime minister — Turkey has a parliamentary system, so its prime minister is the most powerful — but the presidency is seen as the highest post in Turkey’s secular establishment. Turkey’s a secular state, founded in 1923, and the state itself and the people who control the state and run things are secular elite that have been running the state for many years, since the state’s founding. And they felt very threatened that this post was about to be taken by a young and up-and-coming government, political party, that had belonged to several political parties in the past with backgrounds in political Islam.
It’s a little bit difficult to understand, but the political party now in power that’s run by Prime Minister Erdogan, it’s called the AK party, that stands for justice and development, and the party has been really doing phenomenally well economically, has been opening up the country in terms of democratic reforms, taking away military leaders that had been members of civil councils and ministries — really has been doing a lot to open up the system that had existed for about 80 years.
Q. Prime Minister Erdogan’s party, how can you characterize it? Is it an Islamic party? Does it have Islamic leanings?
A. It’s really not an Islamic party. But the people who formed the party came from backgrounds in Islamic politics. So the party really takes offense when people describe it as an Islamist party. It’s really not. They are very, very devout Muslims, however. They do not want their religion to run the country; they don’t want their religion in politics; they don’t want to apply religious views in matters of state. And they really have pretty much stuck to that line throughout their fours years in power. They came to power in 2002.
Q. And so Prime Minister Erdogan was going to nominate the foreign minister to the post of the presidency. And why is it the secularists didn’t like this? What was wrong with this foreign minister from their standpoint?
A. Well, Abdullah Gul has been a very agile and skillful foreign minister. However, his wife wears the Islamic head-covering, headscarf, hijab, and that was something that’s deeply symbolic in Turkey and was something that was quite distasteful to the secular establishment.
Now the argument that the AK party and Mr. Erdogan and his supporters make is that, in fact, the objection to Mr. Gul is much more about the secular establishment wanting to stay in power and much less about objections to religion.
The concern by secular Turks who are not members of the elite, however, also has its merits, which goes essentially like this — Mr. Erdogan and his supporters may not be bringing Islam into politics now, say that they won’t, say that they don’t want to, but they have a large grass-roots constituency of supporters who really would like to see more freedom to practice their religion.
And secular Turks say, We don’t really know what their vision for a future for Turkey is — Do they want to see it more religious? Do they want to see it more devout? Will I be able to walk around not wearing a headscarf? Once they have freedom to practice their religion more, how free will I be to practice my secular lifestyle? And that’s essentially the conflict.
Q. And so this comes to nearly a head when the vote is about to take place to approve Gul. And in the midst of this the military issues basically a warning. Now that would seem very strange to most Americans, that the military would issue a warning that if this foreign minister is actually elected president that they might actually take some action. How does that come about?
A. Well the military is extremely powerful in the Turkish state. It’s the last check in the system of checks and balances for secularism. It considers itself the protector, the defender of Ataturk’s secular legacy. It’s deposed, by military and non-military means, four elected governments since 1960. It really plays a large part in the foundation of the Turkish state also. Ataturk was a military man. It’s not quite as nefarious as everybody would like to make it out to be, but a lot of Turks are arguing that its messing in politics has outlived its usefulness, and it’s unlikely and unhelpful if it interfered now. People don’t really expect it to, but of course it’s not out of the question.
Q. And we should point out that the military there in Turkey has intervened and launched several coups on the past. Right?
A. Yes, four elected governments since 1960 it has ousted.
Q. So how was this resolved? Obviously Mr. Erdogan nominated Mr. Gul. And was there a vote? Did the military actually start to launch a coup? How did this resolve itself?
A. No, the military simply gave a warning on April 27, although it was a very stern one and highly unusual, and that is what made everybody worry that there might be a coup. Soon after there was — essentially an opposition political party filed a case against Mr. Erdogan and Mr. Gul in the constitutional court, arguing over procedural details basically — saying that there were not enough people present at the voting for Mr. Gul in order to make a quorum in order to have the session be valid.
The constitutional court, which is also really part of the secular establishment itself, of course, ruled in favor of the opposition party. And that’s essentially what blocked Mr. Gul and Mr. Erdogan from getting their way with the presidency.
Now they’re suggesting that the president be elected by popular vote — so essentially taking that extremely sensitive and important position out of the hands of the secular establishment and putting it into a popular ballot in front of Turks across the nation. That is something that could really shake up the power structure as well.
Q. Now there were massive protests by Turks, and in many of these protests they were speaking out not only against military intervention but also what they saw as a move toward a more Islamic state. What do most Turks make of this? Do they think this is a normal part of democracy there? Are they upset with the secular establishment for blocking what would be a democratic vote under their current system for Mr. Gul? What’s their take?
A. It really depends on who you talk to because, you know, the nation really is split. There are a large group of people who are more religious, had never really had any real access to power, were thought of almost kind of as second-class citizens I would argue, although people would dispute that, and are now coming into their own. There’s been an economic boom. People have become middle class, lower-middle class and they’re pushing up into power. Those people are saying, What’s wrong with us wearing a headscarf in the university? What’s wrong with that? These ideas you have of modernism are very outdated.
And then you have the group of people in society who are saying, I don’t really know where Mr. Erdogan is taking all of this. What is his vision for gender equality? What is his vision for protecting my secular lifestyle once we start giving more religious freedoms? I don’t trust that the rank and file of his party will respect my secular ways.
Q. You make a very good point, Sabrina, which is that behind this, this is a struggle — a struggle between this urban secular elite and this new emerging middle class of religious Turks who are perhaps, as maybe you’ve written, chipping away at the economic and political power that had been there with the elite. Right?
A. Right.
Q. Why are secular Turks so fearful of Erdogan and his government? What do they think will happen? They’ve not promoted or proposed any laws that would challenge the secular tenets of the Turkish Constitution, have they?
A. Well, they first of all come from a deeply conservative and religious background, and the party that they belonged to that was shut down by the state in 1997 was very, very much a religious Islamic political party. They remember that that was their very recent past. You know, these are deeply emotional issues — I mean do you go to a public swimming pool where it’s separated by men and women? I mean that’s something that some Turks would say that’s old-fashioned and absurd and I don’t want to have to have my family and my home and my neighborhood be subject to that. And then others would say, This is the only way we can go to a public swimming pool. We can’t be in a bathing suit in front of other people’s husbands. You know, they are emotional things.
I think that there is some exaggeration of the Islamist threat. But there’s also some real concerns that just aren’t being addressed by the politicians. They’re not talking about it. No one’s saying what their vision for the future and for secular lifestyles is. In fact, they dismiss the demonstrations and the secular people who have concerns as kind of irrational, irrelevant and not worth their time talking about.
Q. At the same time, Prime Minister Erdogan’s government, as you pointed out, has proven itself to be quite efficient in delivering basic needs and services there and the economy is booming. So I would imagine — Is this government very popular because of the way it’s running Turkey?
A. They definitely had many voters, there were some political analysts who told me, in the last election who voted for them because of the corruption by previous governments and these guys seemed less corrupt. And they were — Mr. Erdogan was very active as Istanbul’s city mayor. So, yes, they did definitely win votes because of their performance. But it’s also part of it is a religious identity vote, not all of it.
Q. How should we in the United States view what is happening there in Turkey? Turkey has been somewhat of a model of how democracy in a predominantly Muslim country can be compatible. How should we view what is taking place there — this sort of clash between democracy, secularism and Islam?
A. I think it still is a model. I mean I think that it still has a lot to teach the world and it hasn’t gone backwards in any way. I think it’s just trying to, itself, work out in its own mind where this is going. And I think in a lot of ways it’s healthy, that it’s a very public process that’s happening on the streets and in newspapers and on television talk shows. They are being extremely thoughtful about it.
Q. What are political analysts there predicting will happen, especially this summer when new elections are going to be held again?
A. A lot of them say that Mr. Erdogan and his AK party will probably do better in the popular vote than it did in 2002.I It’ll probably get more votes. However, they expect that it will have fewer seats in Parliament because the opposition parties will probably band together and will manage to present a pretty good challenge in terms of parliamentary seats. So that’s what people are saying right now.
Q. Well, Sabrina Tavernise, Times Istanbul correspondent, thank you so much for speaking with us.
A. Thanks, Calvin.
SIMS. And thanks for listening. I’m Calvin Sims of The New York Times. I’ll be back next week with another edition of World View.
Friday, May 18, 2007
To the Turkish people from their European friends
In recent days Turkey's citizens have been carefully watching the reactions of politicians across Europe and the United States to the memorandum by the Turkish military issued on April 27. In these fraught circumstances, it is vital to send an unambiguous message to Turkish society. We strongly regret this intervention that could harm Turkey's progress as well as its relations with the European Union.
The EU decided to open negotiations with Turkey as a result of a striking sequence of reforms that led the European Commission in 2004 to declare that Turkey substantially met the so-called political Copenhagen criteria. One of these criteria is respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Another is a functioning democracy, including as a basic principle, full civilian control over the armed forces. The intervention by the military on April 27 throws Turkey's compliance into doubt.
The Turkish military justified this by the need to defend "Turkish secularism." However, the threat to secularism has been overstated. In fact, Turkey has undertaken a number of important reforms, in sectors ranging from women's rights to education, which provide legal protection for secular values. Much remains to be done - including removing the penal code's restrictions on freedom of speech and working to close the gender gap - and we call on the Turkish authorities to vigorously pursue the reform path. But Turkish legislation has never been closer to European standards than today, and many of these changes have been brought about under the current government.
We believe that it is up to the Turkish political process, and to Turkish civil society, to express the preferences of the Turkish public. Large demonstrations, challenges of political decisions in courts and political campaigns are all acceptable tactics in democratic politics. We understand those who are concerned about the concentration of power, but this should not be taken as an excuse for the military to limit democratic government.
Finally, we call on European governments to reaffirm the promises and commitments that the EU has made in the past. Turkey still has much to do before it meets European standards, but by showing solidarity with Turkish democrats, the EU can now help to keep the process on track.
Urban Ahlin, deputy chairman, foreign affairs committee, Swedish Parliament; Hans van den Broek, former foreign minister of the Netherlands; Daniel Cohn-Bendit, member of European Parliament; José Cutileiro, former secretary general, WEU; Marta Dassù, Aspen Institute Italia; Andrew Duff, member of European Parliament; Sarmite Elerte, editor, Diena; Michael Emerson, Center for European Policy Studies; Joschka Fischer, former foreign minister of Germany; Timothy Garton Ash, Oxford University; Teresa Patrício Gouveia, former foreign minister of Portugal; Charles Grant, Center for European Reform; Diego Hidalgo, FRIDE; Michiel van Hulten, former chair of the Dutch Labor Party; Josef Janning, Bertelsmann Foundation; Dan Jørgensen, member of European Parliament; Mary Kaldor, London School of Economics; Lord Kinnock of Bedwellty, former EU Commissioner; Gerald Knaus, European Stability Initiative; Ivan Krastev, Center for Liberal Strategies; Joost Lagendijk, member of European Parliament; Mark Leonard, European Council on Foreign Relations; Alain Minc, chairman of Le Monde and head of AM Conseil; Antonio Missiroli, European Policy Center; Giles Merritt, Friends of Europe; Kalypso Nicolaidis, University of Oxford; Cem Özdemir, member of European Parliament; Ana Palacio, former foreign minister of Spain; Diana Pinto, historian; Narcis Serra, former vice president of Spain; Aleksander Smolar, Stefan Batory Foundation; Dana Spinant, European Voice; Antonio Vitorino, former EU Commissioner; Gijs de Vries, former EU counter-terrorism coordinator; Stephen Wall, former adviser to the British prime minister.
The EU decided to open negotiations with Turkey as a result of a striking sequence of reforms that led the European Commission in 2004 to declare that Turkey substantially met the so-called political Copenhagen criteria. One of these criteria is respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Another is a functioning democracy, including as a basic principle, full civilian control over the armed forces. The intervention by the military on April 27 throws Turkey's compliance into doubt.
The Turkish military justified this by the need to defend "Turkish secularism." However, the threat to secularism has been overstated. In fact, Turkey has undertaken a number of important reforms, in sectors ranging from women's rights to education, which provide legal protection for secular values. Much remains to be done - including removing the penal code's restrictions on freedom of speech and working to close the gender gap - and we call on the Turkish authorities to vigorously pursue the reform path. But Turkish legislation has never been closer to European standards than today, and many of these changes have been brought about under the current government.
We believe that it is up to the Turkish political process, and to Turkish civil society, to express the preferences of the Turkish public. Large demonstrations, challenges of political decisions in courts and political campaigns are all acceptable tactics in democratic politics. We understand those who are concerned about the concentration of power, but this should not be taken as an excuse for the military to limit democratic government.
Finally, we call on European governments to reaffirm the promises and commitments that the EU has made in the past. Turkey still has much to do before it meets European standards, but by showing solidarity with Turkish democrats, the EU can now help to keep the process on track.
Urban Ahlin, deputy chairman, foreign affairs committee, Swedish Parliament; Hans van den Broek, former foreign minister of the Netherlands; Daniel Cohn-Bendit, member of European Parliament; José Cutileiro, former secretary general, WEU; Marta Dassù, Aspen Institute Italia; Andrew Duff, member of European Parliament; Sarmite Elerte, editor, Diena; Michael Emerson, Center for European Policy Studies; Joschka Fischer, former foreign minister of Germany; Timothy Garton Ash, Oxford University; Teresa Patrício Gouveia, former foreign minister of Portugal; Charles Grant, Center for European Reform; Diego Hidalgo, FRIDE; Michiel van Hulten, former chair of the Dutch Labor Party; Josef Janning, Bertelsmann Foundation; Dan Jørgensen, member of European Parliament; Mary Kaldor, London School of Economics; Lord Kinnock of Bedwellty, former EU Commissioner; Gerald Knaus, European Stability Initiative; Ivan Krastev, Center for Liberal Strategies; Joost Lagendijk, member of European Parliament; Mark Leonard, European Council on Foreign Relations; Alain Minc, chairman of Le Monde and head of AM Conseil; Antonio Missiroli, European Policy Center; Giles Merritt, Friends of Europe; Kalypso Nicolaidis, University of Oxford; Cem Özdemir, member of European Parliament; Ana Palacio, former foreign minister of Spain; Diana Pinto, historian; Narcis Serra, former vice president of Spain; Aleksander Smolar, Stefan Batory Foundation; Dana Spinant, European Voice; Antonio Vitorino, former EU Commissioner; Gijs de Vries, former EU counter-terrorism coordinator; Stephen Wall, former adviser to the British prime minister.
Secular party leaders in Turkey form alliance ahead of general elections
The Associated Press Published: May 17, 2007
ANKARA, Turkey: Leaders of two secular parties said Thursday that they would form an alliance to challenge the Islamic-rooted ruling party in July elections.
"We have agreed to form an election alliance. We will work together hand in hand," Deniz Baykal, leader of the Republican People's Party, said at a news conference. He was accompanied by Zeki Sezer, leader of new partner the Democratic Left Party.
The Republican People's Party is the largest challenger to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's government, which faces a secularist backlash over suspicions that he seeks to roll back restrictions on Islamic dress and take other steps to dilute the Western lifestyle of many Turks.
Both secular parties draw support from the secular elite, including teachers, judges, doctors and military officers.
Supporters had urged them to seek a unified platform in challenging Erdogan's governing party in Turkey's general elections. Hundreds of thousands of protesters held anti-government demonstrations in recent weeks.
"The regime, secular democracy, the republic is under threat. We will form a strong unity to overcome this threat," Sezer said. "This will also give a serious alternative to Turkey to run the country."
Under the deal, candidates of the Democratic Left Party will run on the ticket of the Republican People's Party, Sezer said.
However, Sezer himself rejected Baykal's appeal that Sezer to run for the Parliament on the ticket of the Republican party.
"Even if we lead separate political identities after entering Parliament in an alliance, we will continue to work toward uniting (the parties) in a way in which both parties' separate identities are reflected," Baykal said.
Before meeting Baykal on Thursday, Sezer said: "The cooperation between party groups of the Democratic Left and the Republican People's in Parliament would be effective against those who want to steer Turkey toward darkness."
Erdogan's government had pushed for the election of a president with strong Islamic leanings, sparking tensions with the secular establishment, including the military.
Erdogan declared early general elections on July 22, several months ahead of schedule, as a way to ease a political crisis that began when the government picked Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul as its presidential candidate.
The government rejects claims by secular circles that it has an Islamic agenda. Gul was forced to drop his bid for the presidency after the opposition boycotted parliamentary votes on his candidacy, and the military threatened to intervene to safeguard secular traditions. Huge crowds staged anti-government rallies, most recently on Sunday in the port of Izmir.
Both secular leaders apologized for taking weeks to form an alliance.
"We may have been a little slow; we may have upset or angered our citizens," Baykal said.
Sezer said the parties needed to work on a detailed plan to "salvage the country" and avoid possible snags in the future.
ANKARA, Turkey: Leaders of two secular parties said Thursday that they would form an alliance to challenge the Islamic-rooted ruling party in July elections.
"We have agreed to form an election alliance. We will work together hand in hand," Deniz Baykal, leader of the Republican People's Party, said at a news conference. He was accompanied by Zeki Sezer, leader of new partner the Democratic Left Party.
The Republican People's Party is the largest challenger to Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's government, which faces a secularist backlash over suspicions that he seeks to roll back restrictions on Islamic dress and take other steps to dilute the Western lifestyle of many Turks.
Both secular parties draw support from the secular elite, including teachers, judges, doctors and military officers.
Supporters had urged them to seek a unified platform in challenging Erdogan's governing party in Turkey's general elections. Hundreds of thousands of protesters held anti-government demonstrations in recent weeks.
"The regime, secular democracy, the republic is under threat. We will form a strong unity to overcome this threat," Sezer said. "This will also give a serious alternative to Turkey to run the country."
Under the deal, candidates of the Democratic Left Party will run on the ticket of the Republican People's Party, Sezer said.
However, Sezer himself rejected Baykal's appeal that Sezer to run for the Parliament on the ticket of the Republican party.
"Even if we lead separate political identities after entering Parliament in an alliance, we will continue to work toward uniting (the parties) in a way in which both parties' separate identities are reflected," Baykal said.
Before meeting Baykal on Thursday, Sezer said: "The cooperation between party groups of the Democratic Left and the Republican People's in Parliament would be effective against those who want to steer Turkey toward darkness."
Erdogan's government had pushed for the election of a president with strong Islamic leanings, sparking tensions with the secular establishment, including the military.
Erdogan declared early general elections on July 22, several months ahead of schedule, as a way to ease a political crisis that began when the government picked Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul as its presidential candidate.
The government rejects claims by secular circles that it has an Islamic agenda. Gul was forced to drop his bid for the presidency after the opposition boycotted parliamentary votes on his candidacy, and the military threatened to intervene to safeguard secular traditions. Huge crowds staged anti-government rallies, most recently on Sunday in the port of Izmir.
Both secular leaders apologized for taking weeks to form an alliance.
"We may have been a little slow; we may have upset or angered our citizens," Baykal said.
Sezer said the parties needed to work on a detailed plan to "salvage the country" and avoid possible snags in the future.
Clash of civilisations / Beleaguered Armenians in Turkey—and a closed border with Armenia
May 17th 2007 KARSFrom The Economist print edition
Beleaguered Armenians in Turkey—and a closed border with Armenia
FOR a seasoned diplomat, Hasan Sultanoglu Zeynalov, Azerbaijan's consul-general in Kars, eastern Turkey, is unusually indiscreet. He openly complains about Naif Alibeyoglu, the mayor, who is promoting dialogue between Turkey, Azerbaijan and their common enemy, Armenia, just over the border. “I don't believe in dialogue,” Mr Zeynalov snorts. He recently ordered his compatriots to boycott an arts festival organised by the mayor after finding that “there were Armenians too.” Like his masters in Baku, Mr Zeynalov is unnerved at the thought of his country's biggest regional ally suddenly making peace with Armenia.
He will have been cheered by the victory of Serzh Sarkisian, Armenia's nationalist prime minister, in a general election on May 12th. Mr Sarkisian is said to have engineered a last-minute ban on Turkish observers of the election. “I think it would be unnatural to receive observing representatives from a country that does not even wish to have a civilised official dialogue,” he commented.
Mr Sarkisian's hawkish views are echoed by Robert Kocharian, the Armenian president, whom he is tipped to succeed in a presidential election next year. Both men hail from Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous enclave wrested by the Armenians from Azerbaijan in a vicious war in the early 1990s. This prompted Turkey to seal its border (but not air links) with Armenia in 1993. The effect on Kars's economy has been disastrous, which is why Mr Alibeyoglu is so keen to reopen the border.
Ethnic Azeris, who make up a third of his city's 80,000 residents, are less enthusiastic. They are likely to vote in droves for the far-right MHP party in Turkey's parliamentary election on July 22nd. The party's fortunes have risen on a tide of xenophobic nationalism that has engulfed Turkey. Dismissing opinion polls that give Mr Alibeyoglu's AK party a big lead over its rivals, Oktay Aktas, the local MHP boss, confidently predicts victory. He would like Turkey to invade northern Iraq and to hang the Kurdish PKK rebel leader, Abdullah Ocalan. He also says there is no question of easing the blockade on Armenia—certainly not until it stops referring to his region as western Armenia and calling the mass killings of Ottoman Armenians in 1915 a genocide.
The sensitiveness of the genocide issue was reflected in January in the killing of Hrant Dink, an ethnic-Armenian newspaper editor in Istanbul, who had talked openly about it. The killer was a school dropout from the port of Trabzon. Mr Dink's lawyer, Ergin Cinmen, says there is compelling evidence that the Istanbul police were given warning of a planned attack at least a year ago, but they did nothing to protect Mr Dink. This week Istanbul's Armenians were shocked once again by a letter sent from Trabzon warning them to defend Turkey against the genocide claims or “face the consequences”. It was delivered to an Armenian primary school.
Such threats have dispelled the surge of goodwill that followed a huge turnout at Mr Dink's funeral and the reopening in March of an old Armenian church restored by Turkey's AK government. Etyen Mahcupyan, who replaced Mr Dink at his newspaper, says some of his kin are now talking of leaving Turkey for good. The border may stay closed for many more years.
Beleaguered Armenians in Turkey—and a closed border with Armenia
FOR a seasoned diplomat, Hasan Sultanoglu Zeynalov, Azerbaijan's consul-general in Kars, eastern Turkey, is unusually indiscreet. He openly complains about Naif Alibeyoglu, the mayor, who is promoting dialogue between Turkey, Azerbaijan and their common enemy, Armenia, just over the border. “I don't believe in dialogue,” Mr Zeynalov snorts. He recently ordered his compatriots to boycott an arts festival organised by the mayor after finding that “there were Armenians too.” Like his masters in Baku, Mr Zeynalov is unnerved at the thought of his country's biggest regional ally suddenly making peace with Armenia.
He will have been cheered by the victory of Serzh Sarkisian, Armenia's nationalist prime minister, in a general election on May 12th. Mr Sarkisian is said to have engineered a last-minute ban on Turkish observers of the election. “I think it would be unnatural to receive observing representatives from a country that does not even wish to have a civilised official dialogue,” he commented.
Mr Sarkisian's hawkish views are echoed by Robert Kocharian, the Armenian president, whom he is tipped to succeed in a presidential election next year. Both men hail from Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous enclave wrested by the Armenians from Azerbaijan in a vicious war in the early 1990s. This prompted Turkey to seal its border (but not air links) with Armenia in 1993. The effect on Kars's economy has been disastrous, which is why Mr Alibeyoglu is so keen to reopen the border.
Ethnic Azeris, who make up a third of his city's 80,000 residents, are less enthusiastic. They are likely to vote in droves for the far-right MHP party in Turkey's parliamentary election on July 22nd. The party's fortunes have risen on a tide of xenophobic nationalism that has engulfed Turkey. Dismissing opinion polls that give Mr Alibeyoglu's AK party a big lead over its rivals, Oktay Aktas, the local MHP boss, confidently predicts victory. He would like Turkey to invade northern Iraq and to hang the Kurdish PKK rebel leader, Abdullah Ocalan. He also says there is no question of easing the blockade on Armenia—certainly not until it stops referring to his region as western Armenia and calling the mass killings of Ottoman Armenians in 1915 a genocide.
The sensitiveness of the genocide issue was reflected in January in the killing of Hrant Dink, an ethnic-Armenian newspaper editor in Istanbul, who had talked openly about it. The killer was a school dropout from the port of Trabzon. Mr Dink's lawyer, Ergin Cinmen, says there is compelling evidence that the Istanbul police were given warning of a planned attack at least a year ago, but they did nothing to protect Mr Dink. This week Istanbul's Armenians were shocked once again by a letter sent from Trabzon warning them to defend Turkey against the genocide claims or “face the consequences”. It was delivered to an Armenian primary school.
Such threats have dispelled the surge of goodwill that followed a huge turnout at Mr Dink's funeral and the reopening in March of an old Armenian church restored by Turkey's AK government. Etyen Mahcupyan, who replaced Mr Dink at his newspaper, says some of his kin are now talking of leaving Turkey for good. The border may stay closed for many more years.
Thursday, May 17, 2007
A generals' election
May 10th 2007 ANKARAFrom The Economist print edition
The Turkish political crisis, continued
“TURKEY is in the throes of a slow military coup,” reckons one seasoned political observer. How else to describe the past few weeks' events, which have forced Turkey's embattled prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, to call a general election on July 22nd, before the scheduled November 4th date?
The country is certainly in its worst political crisis in a decade. It has not managed to choose a president to replace Ahmet Necdet Sezer, whose term formally expires on May 16th: the ruling AK Party's candidate, Abdullah Gul, withdrew on May 6th after failing to muster the necessary quorum in parliament. Meanwhile millions of pro-secular demonstrators have marched through Turkey's biggest cities to protest against the mildly Islamist AK government led by Mr Erdogan.
The trouble escalated on April 27th, when the army general staff posted a dramatic statement on its website sketching out the dangers posed by “Islamic fanatics” to Ataturk's secular republic, and vowing to intervene if need be. The army has booted out four governments since 1960. Yet its latest outburst took even the savviest politicians by surprise.
A bigger surprise followed. Rather than roll over like its predecessors, the government is taking the generals head on. First came a statement reminding the brass-hats that they were answerable to the government and not vice versa. Then Mr Erdogan's AK Party tried once again to elect Mr Gul as president, even though the army had made clear that it did not want a man whose wife wears the Islamic headscarf—as Mr Gul's wife does (see article).
Mr Gul was forced to withdraw after a second round of voting in parliament was boycotted by the opposition CHP Party under its antediluvian leader, Deniz Baykal. Thanks to the boycott, the AK fell nine short of the 367 deputies that the constitutional court had ruled needed to be present before voting could proceed.
These games have prompted Mr Erdogan to push for a constitutional change to let voters, not parliament, choose the president. Should Mr Sezer veto this measure, as expected, it may be put to a referendum, to be held with the election on July 22nd. A combative Mr Gul vows then to renew his campaign for the presidency.
The AK Party's bravado stems in part from the continued strong performance of the economy. Unworried by political shenanigans, a foreign-led consortium shelled out $1.2 billion for the operating rights of Izmir's port on May 3rd. An Italian bank is in talks to acquire Turkey's fifth-largest bank, Oyak, for $1.5 billion. And foreign investors, who hold around 70% of floating shares on the Istanbul Stock Exchange, have yet to take fright.
What will the army do next? Much will depend on the outcome of the election. The dream scenario for the generals and their civilian allies would be if AK is pushed into opposition and so unable to pick the new president. A coalition government could then take over. The generals seem unfazed by the memory of a succession of weak coalitions that took Turkey to the brink of financial ruin in 2001.
In pursuit of this goal, and after some nudging from the general staff, two centre-right parties announced a merger last week. Mr Baykal says that he is on the verge of cementing a deal between CHP and a smaller left-wing rival. The rising tide of nationalism also means that the ultra-nationalist right-wing MHP may bag the minimum 10% of the vote needed to get into parliament seats. In a bid to surmount this barrier, the biggest Kurdish party says it may field independent candidates in 45 of Turkey's 81 provinces.
Despite all this, AK Party officials predict that they will pick up a bigger share than the 34% of the national vote they took in 2002, and return to power alone. “That won't necessarily be a good thing for Turkey either,” says Morton Abramowitz, a former American ambassador to Turkey. “A strong AK government could have a polarising effect.” Worse, it might prompt the generals to wade in again.
The Turkish political crisis, continued
“TURKEY is in the throes of a slow military coup,” reckons one seasoned political observer. How else to describe the past few weeks' events, which have forced Turkey's embattled prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, to call a general election on July 22nd, before the scheduled November 4th date?
The country is certainly in its worst political crisis in a decade. It has not managed to choose a president to replace Ahmet Necdet Sezer, whose term formally expires on May 16th: the ruling AK Party's candidate, Abdullah Gul, withdrew on May 6th after failing to muster the necessary quorum in parliament. Meanwhile millions of pro-secular demonstrators have marched through Turkey's biggest cities to protest against the mildly Islamist AK government led by Mr Erdogan.
The trouble escalated on April 27th, when the army general staff posted a dramatic statement on its website sketching out the dangers posed by “Islamic fanatics” to Ataturk's secular republic, and vowing to intervene if need be. The army has booted out four governments since 1960. Yet its latest outburst took even the savviest politicians by surprise.
A bigger surprise followed. Rather than roll over like its predecessors, the government is taking the generals head on. First came a statement reminding the brass-hats that they were answerable to the government and not vice versa. Then Mr Erdogan's AK Party tried once again to elect Mr Gul as president, even though the army had made clear that it did not want a man whose wife wears the Islamic headscarf—as Mr Gul's wife does (see article).
Mr Gul was forced to withdraw after a second round of voting in parliament was boycotted by the opposition CHP Party under its antediluvian leader, Deniz Baykal. Thanks to the boycott, the AK fell nine short of the 367 deputies that the constitutional court had ruled needed to be present before voting could proceed.
These games have prompted Mr Erdogan to push for a constitutional change to let voters, not parliament, choose the president. Should Mr Sezer veto this measure, as expected, it may be put to a referendum, to be held with the election on July 22nd. A combative Mr Gul vows then to renew his campaign for the presidency.
The AK Party's bravado stems in part from the continued strong performance of the economy. Unworried by political shenanigans, a foreign-led consortium shelled out $1.2 billion for the operating rights of Izmir's port on May 3rd. An Italian bank is in talks to acquire Turkey's fifth-largest bank, Oyak, for $1.5 billion. And foreign investors, who hold around 70% of floating shares on the Istanbul Stock Exchange, have yet to take fright.
What will the army do next? Much will depend on the outcome of the election. The dream scenario for the generals and their civilian allies would be if AK is pushed into opposition and so unable to pick the new president. A coalition government could then take over. The generals seem unfazed by the memory of a succession of weak coalitions that took Turkey to the brink of financial ruin in 2001.
In pursuit of this goal, and after some nudging from the general staff, two centre-right parties announced a merger last week. Mr Baykal says that he is on the verge of cementing a deal between CHP and a smaller left-wing rival. The rising tide of nationalism also means that the ultra-nationalist right-wing MHP may bag the minimum 10% of the vote needed to get into parliament seats. In a bid to surmount this barrier, the biggest Kurdish party says it may field independent candidates in 45 of Turkey's 81 provinces.
Despite all this, AK Party officials predict that they will pick up a bigger share than the 34% of the national vote they took in 2002, and return to power alone. “That won't necessarily be a good thing for Turkey either,” says Morton Abramowitz, a former American ambassador to Turkey. “A strong AK government could have a polarising effect.” Worse, it might prompt the generals to wade in again.
Friday, April 27, 2007
Turkish candidate pledges loyalty to secular principles
The Associated Press Published: April 26, 2007
ISTANBUL, Turkey: Turkey's presidential front-runner promised to uphold secular principles despite the doubts of skeptics, ahead of the start of voting Friday that highlights tensions between the defenders of secularism and the Islamic-rooted government.
"I am loyal to the republic, to secularism, to the principles of a democratic, social state ruled by law, as stated in the Constitution in essence," Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul said in an interview published Thursday in the Milliyet newspaper.
The comment echoed a recent statement by military chief Gen. Yasar Buyukanit, a guardian of the secular principles enshrined in the Constitution. He had said the president must be loyal to secularism "not just in words, but in essence."
As the ruling party candidate, Gul is almost certain to win the presidency in a series of parliamentary votes that begin Friday — a prospect that has unnerved the country's secular establishment. Hundreds of thousands of people recently demonstrated for secular ideals in the capital of Ankara, and another large rally was planned in Istanbul on Sunday.
"I tried to understand them," Gul said of the demonstrators. "If they have concerns, doubts, my job is to remove those concerns. That will be my duty if I am elected president. I will strive to be the president of all citizens no matter their point of view."
Gul also told Sabah newspaper that he was committed to a strong democracy, economy and military.
The military has largely shunned the public debate, indicating Turkish democracy is on a more secure footing than in coup-prone days of the past.
Gul courted opposition and independent lawmakers, urging them to thwart plans by the main opposition group to boycott the election. Although the ruling party has supported religious schools and tried to lift the ban on Islamic head scarves in public offices, Gul has insisted he will respect the secular traditions enshrined in Turkey's constitution.
Current President Ahmet Necdet Sezer vigorously used his powers as a check on the government, vetoing a record number of legislative bills and appointments of officials deemed to be supporters of an Islamic agenda.
Gul is a close ally of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and the presidency would complete their lock on political power ahead of general elections planned for November.
"Gul cannot be expected to play the role of Sezer in issuing warnings or putting on brakes," columnist Turker Alkan wrote in the Radikal newspaper.
The leaders of two small parties urged the government to hold early general elections and let a newly formed Parliament elect the president, saying the credibility of the political process was at stake and there was too much tension.
"Turkey has come to a point where it is open to provocations," Motherland Party leader Erkan Mumcu said at a news conference with the head of the True Path Party, Mehmet Agar.
The military, at least in public, has left the political wrangling to the civilians. It military staged three coups between 1960 and 1980 and pressured a pro-Islamic premier — Erdogan's mentor — out of power in 1997. Any overt attempt to intervene in this process could have a devastating effect on the economy and on the NATO member's efforts to reform society as it vies for European Union membership.
If elected, Gul will chair bimonthly National Security Council meetings, which gather the military's top brass and some Cabinet members to discuss key concerns, including homegrown threats from radical Islamic circles.
Gul's wife, Hayrunisa, wears the traditional Muslim head scarf, and secularists dislike the idea of such a religious symbol being worn in the presidential palace.
But both he and Erdogan have rejected the Islamic label. The government has shown openness to the West by securing economic stability with help from the International Monetary Fund, and seeking EU membership.
The ruling party has a majority of more than 60 percent in parliament. But the main opposition Republican People's Party — with 152 seats — said it would boycott the first round of voting. It said it would ask the Constitutional Court to cancel the vote if it proceeds without two-thirds of lawmakers present — a move that could force early general elections.
The ruling party insists only one-third of lawmakers must attend the first round.
ISTANBUL, Turkey: Turkey's presidential front-runner promised to uphold secular principles despite the doubts of skeptics, ahead of the start of voting Friday that highlights tensions between the defenders of secularism and the Islamic-rooted government.
"I am loyal to the republic, to secularism, to the principles of a democratic, social state ruled by law, as stated in the Constitution in essence," Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul said in an interview published Thursday in the Milliyet newspaper.
The comment echoed a recent statement by military chief Gen. Yasar Buyukanit, a guardian of the secular principles enshrined in the Constitution. He had said the president must be loyal to secularism "not just in words, but in essence."
As the ruling party candidate, Gul is almost certain to win the presidency in a series of parliamentary votes that begin Friday — a prospect that has unnerved the country's secular establishment. Hundreds of thousands of people recently demonstrated for secular ideals in the capital of Ankara, and another large rally was planned in Istanbul on Sunday.
"I tried to understand them," Gul said of the demonstrators. "If they have concerns, doubts, my job is to remove those concerns. That will be my duty if I am elected president. I will strive to be the president of all citizens no matter their point of view."
Gul also told Sabah newspaper that he was committed to a strong democracy, economy and military.
The military has largely shunned the public debate, indicating Turkish democracy is on a more secure footing than in coup-prone days of the past.
Gul courted opposition and independent lawmakers, urging them to thwart plans by the main opposition group to boycott the election. Although the ruling party has supported religious schools and tried to lift the ban on Islamic head scarves in public offices, Gul has insisted he will respect the secular traditions enshrined in Turkey's constitution.
Current President Ahmet Necdet Sezer vigorously used his powers as a check on the government, vetoing a record number of legislative bills and appointments of officials deemed to be supporters of an Islamic agenda.
Gul is a close ally of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and the presidency would complete their lock on political power ahead of general elections planned for November.
"Gul cannot be expected to play the role of Sezer in issuing warnings or putting on brakes," columnist Turker Alkan wrote in the Radikal newspaper.
The leaders of two small parties urged the government to hold early general elections and let a newly formed Parliament elect the president, saying the credibility of the political process was at stake and there was too much tension.
"Turkey has come to a point where it is open to provocations," Motherland Party leader Erkan Mumcu said at a news conference with the head of the True Path Party, Mehmet Agar.
The military, at least in public, has left the political wrangling to the civilians. It military staged three coups between 1960 and 1980 and pressured a pro-Islamic premier — Erdogan's mentor — out of power in 1997. Any overt attempt to intervene in this process could have a devastating effect on the economy and on the NATO member's efforts to reform society as it vies for European Union membership.
If elected, Gul will chair bimonthly National Security Council meetings, which gather the military's top brass and some Cabinet members to discuss key concerns, including homegrown threats from radical Islamic circles.
Gul's wife, Hayrunisa, wears the traditional Muslim head scarf, and secularists dislike the idea of such a religious symbol being worn in the presidential palace.
But both he and Erdogan have rejected the Islamic label. The government has shown openness to the West by securing economic stability with help from the International Monetary Fund, and seeking EU membership.
The ruling party has a majority of more than 60 percent in parliament. But the main opposition Republican People's Party — with 152 seats — said it would boycott the first round of voting. It said it would ask the Constitutional Court to cancel the vote if it proceeds without two-thirds of lawmakers present — a move that could force early general elections.
The ruling party insists only one-third of lawmakers must attend the first round.
Wednesday, April 25, 2007
ispanyolca/ ispanyolca ders / ispanyolca kurs 10
When is the next train to....?
¿Cuándo es el próximo tren para...?
kwando es el prok-seemo tren para...
Two return tickets to...
A single to...
Dos billetes de ida y vuelta a...
Un billete de ida a...
dos bee-lye-tes de eeda ee bwelta a...
oon bee-lye-te de eeda a...
Tourist class
Smoking / Non smoking
De clase turista
Fumador / No fumador
de klase too-reesta
fooma-dor / no fooma-dor
Is there a supplement to pay?
¿Hay que pagar suplemento?
a-ee ke pagar soo-ple-mento
I want to book a seat on the AVE to Seville
Quería reservar un asiento en el AVE a Sevilla
ke-ree-a re-serbar oon a-syento en el a-be a se-beelya
When is the first / last train to...?
¿Cuándo es el primer / el último tren para...?
kwando es el pree-mer / el ool-teemo tren para...
When does it arrive in...?
¿Cuándo llega a...?
kwando lyega a...
Do I have to change?
Where?
¿Tengo que hacer transbordo?
¿Dónde?
tengo ke a-ther trans-bordo
don-de
How long is there to get the connection?
¿Cuánto tiempo hay para el enlace?
kwanto tyempo a-ee para el enla-the
Which platform does it leave from?
¿De qué andén sale?
de ke an-den sa-le
Is this the right platform for the train to...?
¿Sale de este andén el tren para...?
sa-le de este an-den el tren para...
Is this the train for...?
When will it leave?
¿Es este el tren para...?
¿Cuándo va a salir?
es este el tren para...
kwando ba a sa-leer
Why is the train delayed?
¿Por qué sale el tren con retraso?
por ke sa-le el tren kon re-traso
Does the train stop at...?
¿Para el tren en...?
pa-ra el tren en...
Please let me know when we get to...
Por favor, ¿me avisa cuando lleguemos a...?
por fabor me abee-sa kwando lye-gemos a...
Is there a buffet on the train?
¿Hay servicio de cafetería en el tren?
a-ee ser-beethyo de ka-fe-teree-a en el tren
Is this free? (seat)
¿Está libre?
esta leebre
ispanyolca/ ispanyolca ders / ispanyolca kurs 10
¿Cuándo es el próximo tren para...?
kwando es el prok-seemo tren para...
Two return tickets to...
A single to...
Dos billetes de ida y vuelta a...
Un billete de ida a...
dos bee-lye-tes de eeda ee bwelta a...
oon bee-lye-te de eeda a...
Tourist class
Smoking / Non smoking
De clase turista
Fumador / No fumador
de klase too-reesta
fooma-dor / no fooma-dor
Is there a supplement to pay?
¿Hay que pagar suplemento?
a-ee ke pagar soo-ple-mento
I want to book a seat on the AVE to Seville
Quería reservar un asiento en el AVE a Sevilla
ke-ree-a re-serbar oon a-syento en el a-be a se-beelya
When is the first / last train to...?
¿Cuándo es el primer / el último tren para...?
kwando es el pree-mer / el ool-teemo tren para...
When does it arrive in...?
¿Cuándo llega a...?
kwando lyega a...
Do I have to change?
Where?
¿Tengo que hacer transbordo?
¿Dónde?
tengo ke a-ther trans-bordo
don-de
How long is there to get the connection?
¿Cuánto tiempo hay para el enlace?
kwanto tyempo a-ee para el enla-the
Which platform does it leave from?
¿De qué andén sale?
de ke an-den sa-le
Is this the right platform for the train to...?
¿Sale de este andén el tren para...?
sa-le de este an-den el tren para...
Is this the train for...?
When will it leave?
¿Es este el tren para...?
¿Cuándo va a salir?
es este el tren para...
kwando ba a sa-leer
Why is the train delayed?
¿Por qué sale el tren con retraso?
por ke sa-le el tren kon re-traso
Does the train stop at...?
¿Para el tren en...?
pa-ra el tren en...
Please let me know when we get to...
Por favor, ¿me avisa cuando lleguemos a...?
por fabor me abee-sa kwando lye-gemos a...
Is there a buffet on the train?
¿Hay servicio de cafetería en el tren?
a-ee ser-beethyo de ka-fe-teree-a en el tren
Is this free? (seat)
¿Está libre?
esta leebre
ispanyolca/ ispanyolca ders / ispanyolca kurs 10
ispanyolca/ ispanyolca ders / ispanyolca kurs 9
Are there any vegetarian restaurants here?
¿Hay aquí algún restaurante vegetariano?
a-ee a-kee al-goon restow-ran-te be-kheta-ryano
Do you have any vegetarian dishes?
¿Tienen algún plato vegetariano?
tye-nen al-goon plato be-kheta-ryano
Which dishes have no meat / fish?
¿Cuáles son los platos que no llevan carne / pescado?
kwa-les son los platos que no lyeban kar-ne / pes-kado
What fish dishes do you have?
¿Qué tienen de pescado?
ke tye-nen de pes-kado
I'd like pasta as a main course
De segundo, quisiera tomar pasta
de se-goondo kee-syera tomar pasta
I don't like meat
What do you recommend?
No me gusta la carne
¿Qué me recomienda?
no me goosta la kar-ne
ke me reko-myenda
Is it made with vegetable stock?
¿Está hecho con caldo de verduras?
esta e-cho kon kaldo de ber-dooras
* POSSIBLE DISHES
berenjenas aubergines
ensalada salad
espárragos asparagus
gazpacho cold cucumber, peppers, garlic and tomato soup
pisto peppers, courgettes, onions cooked in a tomato sauce
judias verdes French beans
revuelto de champiñones mushrooms with scrambled eggs
revuelto de espinacas spinach with scrambled eggs
tortilla española omelette with potato and onions
ispanyolca/ ispanyolca ders / ispanyolca kurs 9
¿Hay aquí algún restaurante vegetariano?
a-ee a-kee al-goon restow-ran-te be-kheta-ryano
Do you have any vegetarian dishes?
¿Tienen algún plato vegetariano?
tye-nen al-goon plato be-kheta-ryano
Which dishes have no meat / fish?
¿Cuáles son los platos que no llevan carne / pescado?
kwa-les son los platos que no lyeban kar-ne / pes-kado
What fish dishes do you have?
¿Qué tienen de pescado?
ke tye-nen de pes-kado
I'd like pasta as a main course
De segundo, quisiera tomar pasta
de se-goondo kee-syera tomar pasta
I don't like meat
What do you recommend?
No me gusta la carne
¿Qué me recomienda?
no me goosta la kar-ne
ke me reko-myenda
Is it made with vegetable stock?
¿Está hecho con caldo de verduras?
esta e-cho kon kaldo de ber-dooras
* POSSIBLE DISHES
berenjenas aubergines
ensalada salad
espárragos asparagus
gazpacho cold cucumber, peppers, garlic and tomato soup
pisto peppers, courgettes, onions cooked in a tomato sauce
judias verdes French beans
revuelto de champiñones mushrooms with scrambled eggs
revuelto de espinacas spinach with scrambled eggs
tortilla española omelette with potato and onions
ispanyolca/ ispanyolca ders / ispanyolca kurs 9
In Turkey, a Sign of a Rising Islamic Middle Class
By SABRINA TAVERNISE
Published: April 25, 2007 (NYT)
ISTANBUL, April 24 — Turkey’s ruling party on Tuesday chose a presidential candidate with an Islamic background, a move that will extend the reach of the party — and the emerging class of devout Muslims it represents — into the heart of Turkey’s secular establishment for the first time.
The selection has focused the worries of secular Turks who fear that sexual equality, as well as drinking alcohol and wearing miniskirts, could eventually be in danger.
Abdullah Gul, 56, the foreign minister, whose wife wears a Muslim head scarf and who is Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s closest political ally, is expected to be confirmed as president by Parliament in several rounds of voting that begin Friday. That will boost Turkey’s new political class — modernizers from a religious background.
“These are the new forces, the new social powers,” said Ali Bulac, a columnist for a conservative newspaper, Zaman, in Istanbul. “They are very devout. They don’t drink. They don’t gamble. They don’t take holidays. They are loaded with a huge energy. This energy has been blocked by the state.”
Turkey is a Muslim country, but its state, founded in 1923 by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, is strictly secular, and the presidency is its most important office. The current president is Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a secularist with a judicial background whose term is expiring.
Mr. Gul, an affable English speaker who has long been his party’s public face abroad, nodded to secular concerns in a news conference in Ankara after his nomination, saying, “Our differences are our richness.” His candidacy was a concession: the choice most distasteful to the secular establishment was Mr. Erdogan himself, who deftly bowed out.
Still, if Mr. Gul is confirmed, his party would occupy the posts of president, prime minister and parliamentary speaker, a lineup that the opposition party leader, Deniz Baykal, called “unfavorable.” His party later announced that it would boycott the vote.
In the Middle East, where mixing religion with government has been seen as poisonous for modernity, Turkey’s very light blend stands out as unusual, even unique.
“This party has done more for the modernization of Turkey than all the secular parties in the previous years,” said Joost Lagendijk, a member of the European Parliament who heads a committee on Turkish issues. “They were willing to open up the system, to challenge the elite.”
The party that Mr. Gul helped found, known by its Turkish initials, AK, sprang from the Islamic political movements of the 1990s. But the AK became significantly more moderate after taking power on a national scale in 2002. Since then, it has applied pragmatic policies that helped create an economic boom and opened up the state in ways that the rigid secular elite, which relied heavily on state control, had never imagined, in part to qualify for membership in the European Union.
Although the party is publicly adamant about keeping religion separate from policy, bristling at shorthand descriptions of it as pro-Islamic, it draws much of its support from Turkey’s religiously conservative heartland. Once on the periphery, these traditional Turks are now emerging as a powerful middle class that has driven Turkey’s boom. The economy has nearly doubled in the four years that the AK has been in power, largely because it has stuck to an economic program prescribed by the International Monetary Fund.
Mr. Gul’s candidacy goes to the heart of the secular-religious debate, because the presidency is such a revered symbol with real powers — he is commander in chief and has a veto. Turkish military leaders in the past have remarked that they would refuse to visit the presidential palace if a woman in a head scarf were living in it.
“How can she now become the host of a palace that represents the very same principles?” said Necmi Yuzbasioglu, a professor of constitutional law at Istanbul University.
Mehmet A. Kislali, a columnist with the newspaper Radikal, who has contacts with the military, said: “The military should not be underestimated. Thousands of officers are watching the developments.”
But the party’s only real application of Islam has been its grass-roots approach. In practices that would be familiar to Shiite Muslims in Lebanon or to Palestinians in Gaza, women’s groups go door to door offering aid, community centers offer women’s literacy classes and sports centers give free physical therapy to handicapped children.
The question of religion aside, economic progress under the AK has been extraordinary, with a steady rise in entrepreneurship. In Istanbul, fuel-efficient taxis zip down tulip-lined streets. New parks have sprung up. The air is less polluted.
Mustafa Karaduman, a textile designer and fashion house owner, is among the new entrepreneurs. He is from Anatolia, a capital of middle-class production, and the homeland of Mr. Gul. His fashion house has turned into an empire, supplying Islamic clothing for women in Europe and the Middle East. He is 50, has seven children, and is an outspoken opponent of the miniskirt.
“My mission,” he says, “is to cover all women around the world.”
The country’s wealth has drawn more observant Turks into public life. Some religious schools now teach English, unheard of a decade ago, improving the chances of students from religious backgrounds on university entrance exams.
At the Kartal Anadolu Imam Hatip High School in a conservative middle-class neighborhood, 16-year-old girls in head scarves and sweatshirts played basketball last week in brightly patterned Converse sneakers. (Skulls were a popular choice.) Last year, 94 students were admitted to universities, up from almost none a decade ago, said Hadir Kalkan, the school’s principal, pointing to students’ career choices in marketing, broadcasting, psychology and finance. Just 14 chose to continue religious training.
The city pool and gym in the lower-middle-class neighborhood of Okmeydani is a testament to the ascendancy of the pious middle class. Few observant women attended in 1996, when the pool opened, an attendant said. Now they fill treadmills and lap lanes.
“I always wanted to but there were no places to go,” said Dondu Koc, a 46-year-old in yellow sweat pants as she pedaled an exercise bike in a room full of women on Wednesday. Before Mr. Erdogan’s stewardship as mayor of the city, there was only one public pool. Now there are three, and five are under construction.
The complex is separated by sex, an arrangement Ms. Koc likes because it lets her and other covered women pedal, jog and swim without their head scarves. But the division irritates secular Turks.
“There shouldn’t be a split like this,” said Tamis Demirel, 47, a homemaker whose hair was still wet from her swim. “We sit next to each other; we should swim next to each other, too.”
The remark seemed to answer the question of Elif Demir, a 19-year-old office clerk at a youth rally for Mr. Erdogan on Sunday. “We have no problem with women wearing miniskirts,” she said, “but why are they so bothered with our head scarves?”
That frustration took the form of a public scolding at a meeting on the far edge of Istanbul on Friday night, where a man who supports Mr. Erdogan’s party complained about what he said was weak party support for religious schools.
“What about Koran courses?” he asked a party representative. “We are looking for generations that have morality.”
The apartment where the meeting took place bore the traces of upper-middle-class life: a running machine, a washing machine and a dryer. Brightly colored scarves covered the hair of the hostesses.
The representative, Kenan Danisman, paused as the evening prayer began. He then offered some pragmatic advice. “If you transfer this prayer into practical support, in three to five years, the problems that hurt peoples’ consciences will be resolved.”
It is precisely the open question of religion’s role in society that makes secular Turks so uncomfortable. Mr. Erdogan may be explicit in his opposition to Islam’s entering policy, but what about the rank and file who are filling jobs in public administration — what is their view of sexual equality? Secular Turks worry that their conservative worldview will lead to a reinterpretation of the rules and lower tolerance for a secular lifestyle.
“People like me are not calculating the economy or what sort of policies they are making,” said Basak Caglayan, 35, a financial consultant who will be married next month. “The life we expect, we want, for our children, is changing. I worry about that.”
Published: April 25, 2007 (NYT)
ISTANBUL, April 24 — Turkey’s ruling party on Tuesday chose a presidential candidate with an Islamic background, a move that will extend the reach of the party — and the emerging class of devout Muslims it represents — into the heart of Turkey’s secular establishment for the first time.
The selection has focused the worries of secular Turks who fear that sexual equality, as well as drinking alcohol and wearing miniskirts, could eventually be in danger.
Abdullah Gul, 56, the foreign minister, whose wife wears a Muslim head scarf and who is Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s closest political ally, is expected to be confirmed as president by Parliament in several rounds of voting that begin Friday. That will boost Turkey’s new political class — modernizers from a religious background.
“These are the new forces, the new social powers,” said Ali Bulac, a columnist for a conservative newspaper, Zaman, in Istanbul. “They are very devout. They don’t drink. They don’t gamble. They don’t take holidays. They are loaded with a huge energy. This energy has been blocked by the state.”
Turkey is a Muslim country, but its state, founded in 1923 by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, is strictly secular, and the presidency is its most important office. The current president is Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a secularist with a judicial background whose term is expiring.
Mr. Gul, an affable English speaker who has long been his party’s public face abroad, nodded to secular concerns in a news conference in Ankara after his nomination, saying, “Our differences are our richness.” His candidacy was a concession: the choice most distasteful to the secular establishment was Mr. Erdogan himself, who deftly bowed out.
Still, if Mr. Gul is confirmed, his party would occupy the posts of president, prime minister and parliamentary speaker, a lineup that the opposition party leader, Deniz Baykal, called “unfavorable.” His party later announced that it would boycott the vote.
In the Middle East, where mixing religion with government has been seen as poisonous for modernity, Turkey’s very light blend stands out as unusual, even unique.
“This party has done more for the modernization of Turkey than all the secular parties in the previous years,” said Joost Lagendijk, a member of the European Parliament who heads a committee on Turkish issues. “They were willing to open up the system, to challenge the elite.”
The party that Mr. Gul helped found, known by its Turkish initials, AK, sprang from the Islamic political movements of the 1990s. But the AK became significantly more moderate after taking power on a national scale in 2002. Since then, it has applied pragmatic policies that helped create an economic boom and opened up the state in ways that the rigid secular elite, which relied heavily on state control, had never imagined, in part to qualify for membership in the European Union.
Although the party is publicly adamant about keeping religion separate from policy, bristling at shorthand descriptions of it as pro-Islamic, it draws much of its support from Turkey’s religiously conservative heartland. Once on the periphery, these traditional Turks are now emerging as a powerful middle class that has driven Turkey’s boom. The economy has nearly doubled in the four years that the AK has been in power, largely because it has stuck to an economic program prescribed by the International Monetary Fund.
Mr. Gul’s candidacy goes to the heart of the secular-religious debate, because the presidency is such a revered symbol with real powers — he is commander in chief and has a veto. Turkish military leaders in the past have remarked that they would refuse to visit the presidential palace if a woman in a head scarf were living in it.
“How can she now become the host of a palace that represents the very same principles?” said Necmi Yuzbasioglu, a professor of constitutional law at Istanbul University.
Mehmet A. Kislali, a columnist with the newspaper Radikal, who has contacts with the military, said: “The military should not be underestimated. Thousands of officers are watching the developments.”
But the party’s only real application of Islam has been its grass-roots approach. In practices that would be familiar to Shiite Muslims in Lebanon or to Palestinians in Gaza, women’s groups go door to door offering aid, community centers offer women’s literacy classes and sports centers give free physical therapy to handicapped children.
The question of religion aside, economic progress under the AK has been extraordinary, with a steady rise in entrepreneurship. In Istanbul, fuel-efficient taxis zip down tulip-lined streets. New parks have sprung up. The air is less polluted.
Mustafa Karaduman, a textile designer and fashion house owner, is among the new entrepreneurs. He is from Anatolia, a capital of middle-class production, and the homeland of Mr. Gul. His fashion house has turned into an empire, supplying Islamic clothing for women in Europe and the Middle East. He is 50, has seven children, and is an outspoken opponent of the miniskirt.
“My mission,” he says, “is to cover all women around the world.”
The country’s wealth has drawn more observant Turks into public life. Some religious schools now teach English, unheard of a decade ago, improving the chances of students from religious backgrounds on university entrance exams.
At the Kartal Anadolu Imam Hatip High School in a conservative middle-class neighborhood, 16-year-old girls in head scarves and sweatshirts played basketball last week in brightly patterned Converse sneakers. (Skulls were a popular choice.) Last year, 94 students were admitted to universities, up from almost none a decade ago, said Hadir Kalkan, the school’s principal, pointing to students’ career choices in marketing, broadcasting, psychology and finance. Just 14 chose to continue religious training.
The city pool and gym in the lower-middle-class neighborhood of Okmeydani is a testament to the ascendancy of the pious middle class. Few observant women attended in 1996, when the pool opened, an attendant said. Now they fill treadmills and lap lanes.
“I always wanted to but there were no places to go,” said Dondu Koc, a 46-year-old in yellow sweat pants as she pedaled an exercise bike in a room full of women on Wednesday. Before Mr. Erdogan’s stewardship as mayor of the city, there was only one public pool. Now there are three, and five are under construction.
The complex is separated by sex, an arrangement Ms. Koc likes because it lets her and other covered women pedal, jog and swim without their head scarves. But the division irritates secular Turks.
“There shouldn’t be a split like this,” said Tamis Demirel, 47, a homemaker whose hair was still wet from her swim. “We sit next to each other; we should swim next to each other, too.”
The remark seemed to answer the question of Elif Demir, a 19-year-old office clerk at a youth rally for Mr. Erdogan on Sunday. “We have no problem with women wearing miniskirts,” she said, “but why are they so bothered with our head scarves?”
That frustration took the form of a public scolding at a meeting on the far edge of Istanbul on Friday night, where a man who supports Mr. Erdogan’s party complained about what he said was weak party support for religious schools.
“What about Koran courses?” he asked a party representative. “We are looking for generations that have morality.”
The apartment where the meeting took place bore the traces of upper-middle-class life: a running machine, a washing machine and a dryer. Brightly colored scarves covered the hair of the hostesses.
The representative, Kenan Danisman, paused as the evening prayer began. He then offered some pragmatic advice. “If you transfer this prayer into practical support, in three to five years, the problems that hurt peoples’ consciences will be resolved.”
It is precisely the open question of religion’s role in society that makes secular Turks so uncomfortable. Mr. Erdogan may be explicit in his opposition to Islam’s entering policy, but what about the rank and file who are filling jobs in public administration — what is their view of sexual equality? Secular Turks worry that their conservative worldview will lead to a reinterpretation of the rules and lower tolerance for a secular lifestyle.
“People like me are not calculating the economy or what sort of policies they are making,” said Basak Caglayan, 35, a financial consultant who will be married next month. “The life we expect, we want, for our children, is changing. I worry about that.”
Monday, April 23, 2007
ispanyolca/ ispanyolca ders / ispanyolca kurs 8
chubascos
showers
despejado
clear
lluvia
rain
niebla
fog
nublado
cloudy
It's sunny
It's raining
It's snowing
It's windy
Hace sol
Está lloviendo
Está nevando
Hace viento
a-the sol
esta lyo-byendo
esta ne-bando
a-the byento
What a lovely day!
What awful weather!
¡Qué día más bueno!
¡Qué tiempo tan malo!
ke dee-a mas bweno
ke tyempo tan malo
What will the weather be like tomorrow?
¿Qué tiempo hará mañana?
ke tyempo a-ra ma-nyana
Do you think it's going to rain?
Do I need an umbrella?
¿Cree que va a llover?
¿Necesitaré paraguas?
kre-e ke ba a lyo-ber
ne-the-seeta-re pa-ragwas
When will it stop raining?
¿Cuándo parará de llover?
kwando pa-rara de lyo-ber
It's very hot
Do you think there will be a storm?
Hace mucho calor
¿Cree que va a haber tormenta?
a-the moocho kalor
kre-e ke ba a a-ber tor-menta
Do you think it will snow?
¿Le parece que va a nevar?
le pa-rethe ke ba a nebar
What is the temperature?
¿Qué temperatura hace?
ke tem-pera-toora a-the
ispanyolca/ ispanyolca ders / ispanyolca kurs 8
showers
despejado
clear
lluvia
rain
niebla
fog
nublado
cloudy
It's sunny
It's raining
It's snowing
It's windy
Hace sol
Está lloviendo
Está nevando
Hace viento
a-the sol
esta lyo-byendo
esta ne-bando
a-the byento
What a lovely day!
What awful weather!
¡Qué día más bueno!
¡Qué tiempo tan malo!
ke dee-a mas bweno
ke tyempo tan malo
What will the weather be like tomorrow?
¿Qué tiempo hará mañana?
ke tyempo a-ra ma-nyana
Do you think it's going to rain?
Do I need an umbrella?
¿Cree que va a llover?
¿Necesitaré paraguas?
kre-e ke ba a lyo-ber
ne-the-seeta-re pa-ragwas
When will it stop raining?
¿Cuándo parará de llover?
kwando pa-rara de lyo-ber
It's very hot
Do you think there will be a storm?
Hace mucho calor
¿Cree que va a haber tormenta?
a-the moocho kalor
kre-e ke ba a a-ber tor-menta
Do you think it will snow?
¿Le parece que va a nevar?
le pa-rethe ke ba a nebar
What is the temperature?
¿Qué temperatura hace?
ke tem-pera-toora a-the
ispanyolca/ ispanyolca ders / ispanyolca kurs 8
Sunday, April 22, 2007
ispanyolca ispanyolca ders ispanyolca kurs 7
ispanyolca ispanyolca ders ispanyolca kurs 7
The wine list, please
La carta de vinos, por favor
la karta de beenos por fabor
Can you recommend a good wine?
¿Puede recomendarnos un vino bueno?
pwe-de reko-mendar-nos oon beeno bweno
A bottle...
A carafe...
of the house wine
Una botella...
Una jarra...
de vino de la casa
oona bo-telya...
oona kharra...
de beeno de la kasa
of red wine
of white wine
of rosé wine
de vino tinto
de vino blanco
de vino rosado
de beeno teento
de beeno blanko
de beeno ro-sado
of dry wine
of sweet wine
of a local wine
de vino seco
de vino dulce
de vino de la tierra
de beeno seko
de beeno dool-the
de beeno de la tyerra
Albariño smooth white wine from Galicia
Alella dry, medium-dry white wines from Cataluña
Alicante strong country reds and Fondillón, aged mature wine
Cariñena mainly red wines, best drunk young, from Aragón
Cava good quality sparkling white wine from Penedés
Cigales light, fruity, dry rosé wines from Castilla-León
Jumilla strong, dark red wines from Murcia
Lágrima one of the best of the Málaga wines, very sweet
La Mancha firm whites and reds from Castilla-La Mancha
Málaga fortified, sweet, dark dessert wine
Navarra full-bodied reds from Navarra
Penedés fine reds, rosés and whites. Home of Cava
Ribeiro young, fresh, white wines from Galicia
Ribera del Duero fruity rosés and deep distinguished reds from
the banks of the river Duero in Castilla-León
Rioja some of the finest red wines of Spain: full-bodied, rich and
aged in oak. Also good white Riojas aged in oak
Valdepeñas soft, fruity, red wines and white wines
ispanyolca ispanyolca ders ispanyolca kurs 7
The wine list, please
La carta de vinos, por favor
la karta de beenos por fabor
Can you recommend a good wine?
¿Puede recomendarnos un vino bueno?
pwe-de reko-mendar-nos oon beeno bweno
A bottle...
A carafe...
of the house wine
Una botella...
Una jarra...
de vino de la casa
oona bo-telya...
oona kharra...
de beeno de la kasa
of red wine
of white wine
of rosé wine
de vino tinto
de vino blanco
de vino rosado
de beeno teento
de beeno blanko
de beeno ro-sado
of dry wine
of sweet wine
of a local wine
de vino seco
de vino dulce
de vino de la tierra
de beeno seko
de beeno dool-the
de beeno de la tyerra
Albariño smooth white wine from Galicia
Alella dry, medium-dry white wines from Cataluña
Alicante strong country reds and Fondillón, aged mature wine
Cariñena mainly red wines, best drunk young, from Aragón
Cava good quality sparkling white wine from Penedés
Cigales light, fruity, dry rosé wines from Castilla-León
Jumilla strong, dark red wines from Murcia
Lágrima one of the best of the Málaga wines, very sweet
La Mancha firm whites and reds from Castilla-La Mancha
Málaga fortified, sweet, dark dessert wine
Navarra full-bodied reds from Navarra
Penedés fine reds, rosés and whites. Home of Cava
Ribeiro young, fresh, white wines from Galicia
Ribera del Duero fruity rosés and deep distinguished reds from
the banks of the river Duero in Castilla-León
Rioja some of the finest red wines of Spain: full-bodied, rich and
aged in oak. Also good white Riojas aged in oak
Valdepeñas soft, fruity, red wines and white wines
ispanyolca ispanyolca ders ispanyolca kurs 7
ispanyolca / ispanyolca ders / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs 6
What work do you do?
Do you enjoy it?
¿En qué trabaja?
¿Le gusta?
en ke traba-kha
le goosta
I'm...
a doctor
a teacher
a secretary
Soy...
médico(a)
profesor(a)
secretaria
soy...
me-deeko(a)
pro-fesor(a)
se-kreta-rya
I work in...
a shop
a factory
a bank
Trabajo en...
una tienda
una fábrica
un banco
traba-kho en...
oona tyenda
oona fa-breeka
oon banko
I work from home
I'm self-employed
Trabajo en casa
Trabajo por cuenta propia
traba-kho en kasa
traba-kho por cwenta pro-pee-a
I have been unemployed for...
...months
He estado en el paro...
...meses
e es-tado en el paro...
...meses
It's very difficult to get a job at the moment
Ahora es muy difícil encontrar trabajo
a-o-ra es mwee dee-feetheel en-kontrar traba-kho
What are your hours?
¿Cuáles son sus horas de trabajo?
kwales son soos o-ras de traba-kho
I work from 9 to 5
from Monday to Friday
Trabajo de nueve a cinco
de lunes a viernes
traba-kho de nwe-be a theenko
de loo-nes a byer-nes
How much holiday do you get?
¿Cuánto tiempo tiene de vacaciones?
kwanto tyempo tye-ne de baka-thyo-nes
What do you want to be when you grow up?
¿Qué quieres hacer cuando seas mayor?
ke kye-res a-ther kwando se-as ma-yor
ispanyolca / ispanyolca ders / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs 6
Do you enjoy it?
¿En qué trabaja?
¿Le gusta?
en ke traba-kha
le goosta
I'm...
a doctor
a teacher
a secretary
Soy...
médico(a)
profesor(a)
secretaria
soy...
me-deeko(a)
pro-fesor(a)
se-kreta-rya
I work in...
a shop
a factory
a bank
Trabajo en...
una tienda
una fábrica
un banco
traba-kho en...
oona tyenda
oona fa-breeka
oon banko
I work from home
I'm self-employed
Trabajo en casa
Trabajo por cuenta propia
traba-kho en kasa
traba-kho por cwenta pro-pee-a
I have been unemployed for...
...months
He estado en el paro...
...meses
e es-tado en el paro...
...meses
It's very difficult to get a job at the moment
Ahora es muy difícil encontrar trabajo
a-o-ra es mwee dee-feetheel en-kontrar traba-kho
What are your hours?
¿Cuáles son sus horas de trabajo?
kwales son soos o-ras de traba-kho
I work from 9 to 5
from Monday to Friday
Trabajo de nueve a cinco
de lunes a viernes
traba-kho de nwe-be a theenko
de loo-nes a byer-nes
How much holiday do you get?
¿Cuánto tiempo tiene de vacaciones?
kwanto tyempo tye-ne de baka-thyo-nes
What do you want to be when you grow up?
¿Qué quieres hacer cuando seas mayor?
ke kye-res a-ther kwando se-as ma-yor
ispanyolca / ispanyolca ders / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs 6
Friday, April 20, 2007
ispanyolca / spanish / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs 5
I will confirm... by letter by fax
Lo confirmaré... por escrito por fax
lo konfeer-ma-re... por eskree-to por faks
I'm staying at Hotel...
Me quedo en el Hotel...
me kedo en el o-tel...
How do I get to your office?
¿Cómo se va a su oficina?
komo se ba a soo ofee-theena
Please let ... know that I will be ... minutes late
Por favor, dígale a ... que voy a llegar ... minutos tarde
por fabor dee-gale a ... ke boy a lyegar ... mee-nootos tar-de
I have an appointment with... at ... o'clock
Tengo una cita con... a las...
tengo oona theeta kon... a las...
Here is my card
Aquí tiene mi tarjeta
a-kee tye-ne mee tar-kheta
I'm delighted to meet you at last
Es un gran placer para mí conocerle(la) por fin
es oon gran pla-ther para mee kono-ther-le(la) por feen
ispanyolca / spanish / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs / ispanyolca ders 5
Lo confirmaré... por escrito por fax
lo konfeer-ma-re... por eskree-to por faks
I'm staying at Hotel...
Me quedo en el Hotel...
me kedo en el o-tel...
How do I get to your office?
¿Cómo se va a su oficina?
komo se ba a soo ofee-theena
Please let ... know that I will be ... minutes late
Por favor, dígale a ... que voy a llegar ... minutos tarde
por fabor dee-gale a ... ke boy a lyegar ... mee-nootos tar-de
I have an appointment with... at ... o'clock
Tengo una cita con... a las...
tengo oona theeta kon... a las...
Here is my card
Aquí tiene mi tarjeta
a-kee tye-ne mee tar-kheta
I'm delighted to meet you at last
Es un gran placer para mí conocerle(la) por fin
es oon gran pla-ther para mee kono-ther-le(la) por feen
ispanyolca / spanish / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs / ispanyolca ders 5
ispanyolca / spanish / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs 4
Do you have a list of accommodation with prices?
¿Tiene alguna guía de hoteles y apartamentos con precios?
tye-ne al-goona gee-a de o-teles ee a-parta-mentos kon prethyos
Is there a hotel here?
¿Hay algún hotel por aquí?
a-ee al-goon o-tel por a-kee
Do you have any vacancies?
¿Tiene alguna habitación libre?
tye-ne al-goona abee-tathyon lee-bre
I'd like (to book) a room... double
Quería (reservar) una habitación... doble
ke-ree-a (re-serbar) oona abee-tathyon... do-ble
single with bath with shower
individual con baño con ducha
eendee-beedwal kon banyo kon doocha
with a double bed twin-bedded
con cama de matrimonio con dos camas
kon kama de matree-monyo kon dos kamas
with an extra bed for a child
con una cama supletoria para un niño
kon oona kama soo-pleto-rya para oon neenyo
A room that looks... onto the garden onto the sea
Una habitación que dé... al jardín al mar
oona abee-tathyon ke de... al khardeen al mar
We'd like two rooms next to each other
Quisiéramos dos habitaciones contiguas
kee-sye-ramos dos abee-tathyo-nes kontee-gwas
We'd like to stay ... nights from ... till...
Quisiéramos quedarnos ... noches del ... al...
kee-sye-ramos kedar-nos ... no-ches del ... al...
I will confirm... by letter by fax
Se lo confirmaré... por escrito por fax
se lo konfeer-ma-re... por eskree-to por faks
ispanyolca / spanish / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs / ispanyolca ders
¿Tiene alguna guía de hoteles y apartamentos con precios?
tye-ne al-goona gee-a de o-teles ee a-parta-mentos kon prethyos
Is there a hotel here?
¿Hay algún hotel por aquí?
a-ee al-goon o-tel por a-kee
Do you have any vacancies?
¿Tiene alguna habitación libre?
tye-ne al-goona abee-tathyon lee-bre
I'd like (to book) a room... double
Quería (reservar) una habitación... doble
ke-ree-a (re-serbar) oona abee-tathyon... do-ble
single with bath with shower
individual con baño con ducha
eendee-beedwal kon banyo kon doocha
with a double bed twin-bedded
con cama de matrimonio con dos camas
kon kama de matree-monyo kon dos kamas
with an extra bed for a child
con una cama supletoria para un niño
kon oona kama soo-pleto-rya para oon neenyo
A room that looks... onto the garden onto the sea
Una habitación que dé... al jardín al mar
oona abee-tathyon ke de... al khardeen al mar
We'd like two rooms next to each other
Quisiéramos dos habitaciones contiguas
kee-sye-ramos dos abee-tathyo-nes kontee-gwas
We'd like to stay ... nights from ... till...
Quisiéramos quedarnos ... noches del ... al...
kee-sye-ramos kedar-nos ... no-ches del ... al...
I will confirm... by letter by fax
Se lo confirmaré... por escrito por fax
se lo konfeer-ma-re... por eskree-to por faks
ispanyolca / spanish / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs / ispanyolca ders
Mourners bury German victim of publishing house attack in Turkey, police detain 11th suspect
MALATYA, Turkey: Singing hymns in Turkish, mourners on Friday buried the German victim of this week's attack at a Christian publishing house, while local media reported police had detained an 11th suspect in the slayings.
The killing of the German and two Turks — who had converted to Christianity — highlighted the country's uneasy relationship with its minorities. Christians expressed fear that growing nationalism and intolerance could lead to more violence against them.
Police detained five people Wednesday at the scene of the attack Wednesday in the eastern city of Malatya, including one man who jumped out of the window to avoid arrest. Another five suspects were detained Thursday. Private Dogan news agency and other media reported that police detained an 11th suspect on Friday in Istanbul. Police there would not comment on the reports.
Hurriyet newspaper reported that some of the suspects told police they had carried out the killings to protect Islam. Police did not comment on the report.
The three victims were found with their hands and legs tied and their throats slit. Their faces were bruised, and the ropes had cut into their wrists.
On Friday, the Hurriyet reported that at least one victim had also been stabbed many times.
"There were so many stab wounds that we couldn't count them," Hurriyet quoted Dr. Murat Ugras as saying. "It was clearly torture."
German victim Tilmann Geske was buried at an Armenian cemetery in Malatya, overgrown with weeds. His wife and three children — aged 13, 10 and 8 — were among the mourners, who sang in Turkish to guitar music and prayed for forgiveness for the attackers. His youngest, Miriam, wept as dirt was shoveled onto his coffin.
Rev. Ahmet Guvener, the pastor at a church in the city of Diyarbakir, prayed for tolerance.
"We are part of this country, we are not foreigners here," Guvener said.
The attack added to concerns in Europe about whether the predominantly Muslim country — which is bidding for European Union membership — can protect its religious minorities.
Christian leaders said they worried that nationalists were stoking hostilities against non-Turks and non-Muslims by exploiting growing uncertainty over Turkey's place in the world.
The uncertainty — and growing suspicion against foreigners — has been driven by the faltering EU bid, a resilient Kurdish separatist movement and by increasingly vocal Islamists who see themselves — and Turkey — as locked in battle with a hostile Christian West.
"Our lives are in danger because of this mind-set," the Rev. Ihsan Ozbek, pastor of the Kurtulus Church in Ankara, told a news conference in Malatya. He said there was a "witch hunt" under way against Christians and other minorities.
Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, who as Vatican secretary of state is Pope Benedict XVI's top aide, called the attack "an insane act by a fanatic minority."
"We must not waste the fruits of the pope's visit to Turkey, which has really brought us closer," Bertone was quoted as saying by Italian news agency ANSA.
The pope visited Turkey in November, promising greater understanding and dialogue with Islam.
Nationalists, who have long dominated public debate in Turkey, have also begun to call for Turkey to withdraw its EU bid and make its own way in the world. Some young men indoctrinated with a vision of Turkish greatness — and with a view of the West as intent on keeping the Islamic world weak — view non-Muslims with suspicion.
"The problem is our education and our media," Mustafa Efe, head of Mujde FM, or Miracle FM, a Christian broadcasting station, said after traveling to Malatya to meet Protestant pastors. "They always say Christianity is dangerous because Christians are trying to break up Turkey."
Christians make up just a fraction of 1 percent of Turkey's population of 71 million.
"There is this general atmosphere of fear — that Turkey will be segmented," said Orhan Kemal Cengiz, a human rights lawyer who represented one of the slain Christians, Necati Aydin, 26, in an earlier court case. Aydin was charged with insulting Islam and spent a month in jail after he was found distributing Bibles in the Aegean city of Izmir.
Christians and other minorities have watched Turkey's struggling EU bid with alarm. Many worry the papacy of Benedict XVI, who when he was still a cardinal spoke against Turkey's bid for membership, would only contribute to their problems.
The killing of the German and two Turks — who had converted to Christianity — highlighted the country's uneasy relationship with its minorities. Christians expressed fear that growing nationalism and intolerance could lead to more violence against them.
Police detained five people Wednesday at the scene of the attack Wednesday in the eastern city of Malatya, including one man who jumped out of the window to avoid arrest. Another five suspects were detained Thursday. Private Dogan news agency and other media reported that police detained an 11th suspect on Friday in Istanbul. Police there would not comment on the reports.
Hurriyet newspaper reported that some of the suspects told police they had carried out the killings to protect Islam. Police did not comment on the report.
The three victims were found with their hands and legs tied and their throats slit. Their faces were bruised, and the ropes had cut into their wrists.
On Friday, the Hurriyet reported that at least one victim had also been stabbed many times.
"There were so many stab wounds that we couldn't count them," Hurriyet quoted Dr. Murat Ugras as saying. "It was clearly torture."
German victim Tilmann Geske was buried at an Armenian cemetery in Malatya, overgrown with weeds. His wife and three children — aged 13, 10 and 8 — were among the mourners, who sang in Turkish to guitar music and prayed for forgiveness for the attackers. His youngest, Miriam, wept as dirt was shoveled onto his coffin.
Rev. Ahmet Guvener, the pastor at a church in the city of Diyarbakir, prayed for tolerance.
"We are part of this country, we are not foreigners here," Guvener said.
The attack added to concerns in Europe about whether the predominantly Muslim country — which is bidding for European Union membership — can protect its religious minorities.
Christian leaders said they worried that nationalists were stoking hostilities against non-Turks and non-Muslims by exploiting growing uncertainty over Turkey's place in the world.
The uncertainty — and growing suspicion against foreigners — has been driven by the faltering EU bid, a resilient Kurdish separatist movement and by increasingly vocal Islamists who see themselves — and Turkey — as locked in battle with a hostile Christian West.
"Our lives are in danger because of this mind-set," the Rev. Ihsan Ozbek, pastor of the Kurtulus Church in Ankara, told a news conference in Malatya. He said there was a "witch hunt" under way against Christians and other minorities.
Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, who as Vatican secretary of state is Pope Benedict XVI's top aide, called the attack "an insane act by a fanatic minority."
"We must not waste the fruits of the pope's visit to Turkey, which has really brought us closer," Bertone was quoted as saying by Italian news agency ANSA.
The pope visited Turkey in November, promising greater understanding and dialogue with Islam.
Nationalists, who have long dominated public debate in Turkey, have also begun to call for Turkey to withdraw its EU bid and make its own way in the world. Some young men indoctrinated with a vision of Turkish greatness — and with a view of the West as intent on keeping the Islamic world weak — view non-Muslims with suspicion.
"The problem is our education and our media," Mustafa Efe, head of Mujde FM, or Miracle FM, a Christian broadcasting station, said after traveling to Malatya to meet Protestant pastors. "They always say Christianity is dangerous because Christians are trying to break up Turkey."
Christians make up just a fraction of 1 percent of Turkey's population of 71 million.
"There is this general atmosphere of fear — that Turkey will be segmented," said Orhan Kemal Cengiz, a human rights lawyer who represented one of the slain Christians, Necati Aydin, 26, in an earlier court case. Aydin was charged with insulting Islam and spent a month in jail after he was found distributing Bibles in the Aegean city of Izmir.
Christians and other minorities have watched Turkey's struggling EU bid with alarm. Many worry the papacy of Benedict XVI, who when he was still a cardinal spoke against Turkey's bid for membership, would only contribute to their problems.
Saturday, April 14, 2007
ispanyolca / spanish / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs 3
Leave me alone.Déjame en paz. (DAY-hah-may en PASS)
Don't touch me!¡No me toques! (noh may TOH-kayss!)
I'll call the police.Llamaré a la policía. (yah-mah-RAY ah lah po-lee-SEE-ah)
Police!Policía! (poh-lee-SEE-ah!)
Stop! Thief!¡Alto, al ladrón! (AHL-toh ahl lah-DROAN!)
I need help.Necesito ayuda. (ne-say-SEE-toh ah-YOU-dah)
It's an emergency.Es una emergencia. (ayss oo-nah AY-mayr-HEN-syah)
I'm lost.Estoy perdido/a (ay-STOY payr-DEE-doh/dah)
I lost my purse/handbag.Perdí mi bolsa/bolso/cartera. (payr-DEE mee BOHL-sa / BOHL-so / cahr-TAY-rah)
I lost my wallet.Perdí mi cartera/billetera. (payr-DEE mee BOHLcahr-TAY-rah / bee-yay-TAY-rah; the last may also be said as beel-yay-TAY-rah)
I'm sick.Estoy enfermo/a. (ay-STOY ayn-FAYR-moh/mah)
I've been injured.Estoy herido/a. (ay-STOY ay-REE-doh/dah)
I need a doctor.Necesito un doctor. (nay-say-SEE-toh OON dohk-TOHR)
Can I use your phone?¿Puedo usar su teléfono? (PWAY-doh oo-SAHR soo tay-LAY-foh-noh?)
Don't touch me!¡No me toques! (noh may TOH-kayss!)
I'll call the police.Llamaré a la policía. (yah-mah-RAY ah lah po-lee-SEE-ah)
Police!Policía! (poh-lee-SEE-ah!)
Stop! Thief!¡Alto, al ladrón! (AHL-toh ahl lah-DROAN!)
I need help.Necesito ayuda. (ne-say-SEE-toh ah-YOU-dah)
It's an emergency.Es una emergencia. (ayss oo-nah AY-mayr-HEN-syah)
I'm lost.Estoy perdido/a (ay-STOY payr-DEE-doh/dah)
I lost my purse/handbag.Perdí mi bolsa/bolso/cartera. (payr-DEE mee BOHL-sa / BOHL-so / cahr-TAY-rah)
I lost my wallet.Perdí mi cartera/billetera. (payr-DEE mee BOHLcahr-TAY-rah / bee-yay-TAY-rah; the last may also be said as beel-yay-TAY-rah)
I'm sick.Estoy enfermo/a. (ay-STOY ayn-FAYR-moh/mah)
I've been injured.Estoy herido/a. (ay-STOY ay-REE-doh/dah)
I need a doctor.Necesito un doctor. (nay-say-SEE-toh OON dohk-TOHR)
Can I use your phone?¿Puedo usar su teléfono? (PWAY-doh oo-SAHR soo tay-LAY-foh-noh?)
ispanyolca / spanish / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs 2
Hello (informal).Hola. (OH-lah). For the formal equivalent of hola see good morning, good afternoon, good evening below.
How are you? (informal)¿Cómo estás? (KOH-moh ehss-TAHSS?)
How are you (formal)¿Cómo está usted? (KOH-mo ehss-TAH oo-stehd?)
Fine, thank you.Muy bien, gracias. (mooey BYEHN, GRAH-syahss)
What is your name? (informal)¿Cómo te llamas? (KOH-moh tay YAH-mahss?)
What is your name? (formal)¿Cómo se llama usted? (KOH-mo say YAH-mah ooss-TAID?)
My name is ______ .Me llamo ______ . (may YAH-moh _____ .)
Nice to meet you.Encantado/a. (EHN-kahn-TAH-doh)
Please.Por favor. (POHR fah-BOHR)
Thank you.Gracias. (GRAH-SYAHSS)
You're welcome.De nada. (day NAH-dah)
Yes.Sí. (SEE)
No.No. (NOH)
Excuse me. (getting attention)Disculpe. (dees-KOOL-pay)
Excuse me. (begging pardon)Perdón. (pair-DOHN)
I'm sorry.Lo siento. (loh SYEHN-toh)
Goodbye.Adiós. (ah-DYOHSS)
Goodbye. (informal)Hasta luego. (AH-stah LWAY-goh)
I can't speak Spanish [well].No hablo español [bien]. (noh AH-blow EHS-pahn-YOL [BYEHN])
Do you speak English?¿Hablas inglés? (AH-blahss een-GLAYSS?) (informal); ¿Habla usted inglés? (AH-blah oos-TAID een-GLAYSS?)
Is there someone here who speaks English?¿Hay alguien que hable inglés? (eye ahl-GYEN kay AH-blay een-GLAYSS?)
Help!Ayuda! (ah-YOU-dah!); Socorro! (soh-COH-row!)
Good morning.Buenos días. (BWAY-nohss DEE-ahss)
Good afternoon.Buenas tardes. (BWAY-nahss TAR-dayss)
Good evening (when it's dark)Buenas noches. (BWAY-nahss NOH-chayss)
Good night.Buenas noches. (BWAY-nas NOH-chayss)
I don't understand.No entiendo. (noh ehn-TYEHN-doh)
Where is the toilet?¿Dónde está el baño? (DOHN-day ehss-TAH ehl BAHN-yoh?)
How are you? (informal)¿Cómo estás? (KOH-moh ehss-TAHSS?)
How are you (formal)¿Cómo está usted? (KOH-mo ehss-TAH oo-stehd?)
Fine, thank you.Muy bien, gracias. (mooey BYEHN, GRAH-syahss)
What is your name? (informal)¿Cómo te llamas? (KOH-moh tay YAH-mahss?)
What is your name? (formal)¿Cómo se llama usted? (KOH-mo say YAH-mah ooss-TAID?)
My name is ______ .Me llamo ______ . (may YAH-moh _____ .)
Nice to meet you.Encantado/a. (EHN-kahn-TAH-doh)
Please.Por favor. (POHR fah-BOHR)
Thank you.Gracias. (GRAH-SYAHSS)
You're welcome.De nada. (day NAH-dah)
Yes.Sí. (SEE)
No.No. (NOH)
Excuse me. (getting attention)Disculpe. (dees-KOOL-pay)
Excuse me. (begging pardon)Perdón. (pair-DOHN)
I'm sorry.Lo siento. (loh SYEHN-toh)
Goodbye.Adiós. (ah-DYOHSS)
Goodbye. (informal)Hasta luego. (AH-stah LWAY-goh)
I can't speak Spanish [well].No hablo español [bien]. (noh AH-blow EHS-pahn-YOL [BYEHN])
Do you speak English?¿Hablas inglés? (AH-blahss een-GLAYSS?) (informal); ¿Habla usted inglés? (AH-blah oos-TAID een-GLAYSS?)
Is there someone here who speaks English?¿Hay alguien que hable inglés? (eye ahl-GYEN kay AH-blay een-GLAYSS?)
Help!Ayuda! (ah-YOU-dah!); Socorro! (soh-COH-row!)
Good morning.Buenos días. (BWAY-nohss DEE-ahss)
Good afternoon.Buenas tardes. (BWAY-nahss TAR-dayss)
Good evening (when it's dark)Buenas noches. (BWAY-nahss NOH-chayss)
Good night.Buenas noches. (BWAY-nas NOH-chayss)
I don't understand.No entiendo. (noh ehn-TYEHN-doh)
Where is the toilet?¿Dónde está el baño? (DOHN-day ehss-TAH ehl BAHN-yoh?)
ispanyolca / spanish / spanisch / ispanyolca kurs 1
Palabras Para Preguntar / Questions to ask
A dónde Where to
Cómo How
Cuál What (singular)
Cuáles What (plural)
Cuándo When
Cuánto/a How much
Cuántos/as How many
De dónde Where from
Dónde Where
Para qué What for
Por qué Why
Qué What
Quién Who (singular)
Quiénes Who (plural)
Dear visitors from now on I am going to add some basic spanish/ispanyolca lessons to help who learns this very beatiful language.
Sevgili ziyaretçiler bugünden itibaren blogda basit İspanyolca dersleri, ispanyolca gramer konularini, ispanyolca kelimeleri, ispanyolca kurslari ile ilgili bilgileri bulabileceksiniz.
¿Esta O Ser? "ser" is used to indicate more permanent aspects of people or things, such as:
Identity
Yo soy Carla. ("I am Carla")
Profession
Il es un profesor. ("He is a teacher.")
Origin
Nosotros somos de Costa Rica. ("We are from Costa Rica.")
Religious or political affiliation
Tú eres católico ("You are Catholic?")
Time of day or date
Son las ocho. Es invierno. ("It is 8 o'clock. It is winter.")
Posession
La casa es de Juana. ("It is Juana's house.")
Nationality
Yo soy alemán. ("I am German.")
Physical aspects or characteristics of something
Las sillas son verdes. ("The chairs are green.")
Essential qualities of something or someone
Soy viejo. Eres antipatico. ("I am old. You are unpleasant.") "estar" is used to indicate more temporary aspects of people or things, such as:
Location
La silla esta en la cocina. ("The chair is in the kitchen.")
Condition or emotion that is subject to change
Estoy enfermo. ("I am sick.")
Personal observations or reactions, how something "seems" or "feels"
La cocina esta limpia. ("The kitchen is (seems) clean.")
ispanyolca Hint-Avrupa dil ailesine bağlı Romans dillerinden biridir. Dünyada en çok konuşulan üç dilden biridir. İspanyolca Latince'den geliştirilmiş ve Cebelitarık ve Bask gibi farklı bölgelerde konuşulan yerel dillerin etkisiyle bugüne gelmiştir. Bu nedenle Latince'den türeyen diğer dillere dilbilgisi ve sözcük dağarcığı açısından benzer. Dil üzerinde bir diğer önemli etki ise Endülüs Emevileri döneminden dolayı Arapçadandır.
Kristof Kolomb'a yolculukları sırasında İspanyol kraliyet ailesinin destek olması nedeniyle 16. yy.dan sonra Amerika'nın keşfiyle dil bu kıtaya hızla yayılmıştır
A dónde Where to
Cómo How
Cuál What (singular)
Cuáles What (plural)
Cuándo When
Cuánto/a How much
Cuántos/as How many
De dónde Where from
Dónde Where
Para qué What for
Por qué Why
Qué What
Quién Who (singular)
Quiénes Who (plural)
Dear visitors from now on I am going to add some basic spanish/ispanyolca lessons to help who learns this very beatiful language.
Sevgili ziyaretçiler bugünden itibaren blogda basit İspanyolca dersleri, ispanyolca gramer konularini, ispanyolca kelimeleri, ispanyolca kurslari ile ilgili bilgileri bulabileceksiniz.
¿Esta O Ser? "ser" is used to indicate more permanent aspects of people or things, such as:
Identity
Yo soy Carla. ("I am Carla")
Profession
Il es un profesor. ("He is a teacher.")
Origin
Nosotros somos de Costa Rica. ("We are from Costa Rica.")
Religious or political affiliation
Tú eres católico ("You are Catholic?")
Time of day or date
Son las ocho. Es invierno. ("It is 8 o'clock. It is winter.")
Posession
La casa es de Juana. ("It is Juana's house.")
Nationality
Yo soy alemán. ("I am German.")
Physical aspects or characteristics of something
Las sillas son verdes. ("The chairs are green.")
Essential qualities of something or someone
Soy viejo. Eres antipatico. ("I am old. You are unpleasant.") "estar" is used to indicate more temporary aspects of people or things, such as:
Location
La silla esta en la cocina. ("The chair is in the kitchen.")
Condition or emotion that is subject to change
Estoy enfermo. ("I am sick.")
Personal observations or reactions, how something "seems" or "feels"
La cocina esta limpia. ("The kitchen is (seems) clean.")
ispanyolca Hint-Avrupa dil ailesine bağlı Romans dillerinden biridir. Dünyada en çok konuşulan üç dilden biridir. İspanyolca Latince'den geliştirilmiş ve Cebelitarık ve Bask gibi farklı bölgelerde konuşulan yerel dillerin etkisiyle bugüne gelmiştir. Bu nedenle Latince'den türeyen diğer dillere dilbilgisi ve sözcük dağarcığı açısından benzer. Dil üzerinde bir diğer önemli etki ise Endülüs Emevileri döneminden dolayı Arapçadandır.
Kristof Kolomb'a yolculukları sırasında İspanyol kraliyet ailesinin destek olması nedeniyle 16. yy.dan sonra Amerika'nın keşfiyle dil bu kıtaya hızla yayılmıştır
Turkish military says next president must be loyal to secular principles
Turkey's secularists, led by the military, fear that if Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan — or someone close to him — wins the presidency next month, the government will be able to implement an Islamic agenda without opposition.
"As a citizen and as a member of the armed forces, we hope that someone who is loyal to the principles of the republic — not just in words but in essence — is elected president," Gen. Yasar Buyukanit, the military chief of staff, told a televised news conference in the first comment by the military on the upcoming presidential elections.
"The president who will be elected will also be the top commander of the Turkish armed forces," Buyukanit said. "I carry the hope that someone with such attributes will be chosen."
President Ahmet Necdet Sezer's seven-year term ends May 16. Parliament, which is dominated by lawmakers from Erdogan's party, will elect the new president early next month.
The prime minister has not yet said whether he will stand. His party was expected to announce its candidates for the position this month.
The military commands widespread respect in Turkey, however, and Buyukanit's comments were clearly intended to persuade Erdogan not to stand.
At a rally in Ankara planned for Saturday, thousands are expected to march to the Mausoleum of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern, secular Turkey, to protest the idea of an "Islamist" taking over the post.
"Erdogan was told in very polite and diplomatic language not to become president," said Nihat Ali Ozcan, an analyst with the Economic Policy Research Institute in Ankara.
The position of president is largely ceremonial, but the head of state has powers to block legislation and makes key appointments. In the absence of a strong opposition, Sezer has blocked a record number of government-proposed bills he viewed as threatening Turkey's secular foundations as well as the appointment of several officials. Many were rejected for alleged Islamist tendencies.
Erdogan, 53, denies his party has an Islamic agenda. Since coming to power in 2002, his government has promoted Turkey's European Union membership bid, which resulted in the start of accession talks in October 2005.
The army is nevertheless suspicious of Erdogan because of his Islamic past. In 1999, Erdogan spent four months in prison for reading a poem at a political rally which the courts deemed to be inciting religious hatred.
The military, which regards itself the guardian of Turkey's secular values, has staged three coups since the 1960s and has remained influential after ceding control to civilian governments. In 1997, the military led a campaign that pressured an Islamic government — which Erdogan belonged to — out of power for what they saw as an excessive Islamist bent.
__
"As a citizen and as a member of the armed forces, we hope that someone who is loyal to the principles of the republic — not just in words but in essence — is elected president," Gen. Yasar Buyukanit, the military chief of staff, told a televised news conference in the first comment by the military on the upcoming presidential elections.
"The president who will be elected will also be the top commander of the Turkish armed forces," Buyukanit said. "I carry the hope that someone with such attributes will be chosen."
President Ahmet Necdet Sezer's seven-year term ends May 16. Parliament, which is dominated by lawmakers from Erdogan's party, will elect the new president early next month.
The prime minister has not yet said whether he will stand. His party was expected to announce its candidates for the position this month.
The military commands widespread respect in Turkey, however, and Buyukanit's comments were clearly intended to persuade Erdogan not to stand.
At a rally in Ankara planned for Saturday, thousands are expected to march to the Mausoleum of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern, secular Turkey, to protest the idea of an "Islamist" taking over the post.
"Erdogan was told in very polite and diplomatic language not to become president," said Nihat Ali Ozcan, an analyst with the Economic Policy Research Institute in Ankara.
The position of president is largely ceremonial, but the head of state has powers to block legislation and makes key appointments. In the absence of a strong opposition, Sezer has blocked a record number of government-proposed bills he viewed as threatening Turkey's secular foundations as well as the appointment of several officials. Many were rejected for alleged Islamist tendencies.
Erdogan, 53, denies his party has an Islamic agenda. Since coming to power in 2002, his government has promoted Turkey's European Union membership bid, which resulted in the start of accession talks in October 2005.
The army is nevertheless suspicious of Erdogan because of his Islamic past. In 1999, Erdogan spent four months in prison for reading a poem at a political rally which the courts deemed to be inciting religious hatred.
The military, which regards itself the guardian of Turkey's secular values, has staged three coups since the 1960s and has remained influential after ceding control to civilian governments. In 1997, the military led a campaign that pressured an Islamic government — which Erdogan belonged to — out of power for what they saw as an excessive Islamist bent.
__
U.S. urges Turks to show restraint on border problem with Iraq
WASHINGTON: A top U.S. State Department official urged Turkey on Thursday to show restraint in responding to attacks inside the country by Turkish Kurds operating from Iraqi territory, a senior State Department official said.
Assistant Secretary of State Dan Fried issued the call for calm to Turkish Ambassador Nabi Sensoy after the Turkish military sought government approval to launch cross border raids into Iraq to root out guerrillas from the Kurdish Workers Party of PKK, the official said.
The official asked not to be identified because he was not authorized to speak on the record.
Earlier State Department spokesman Sean McCormack acknowledged the legitimacy of Turkey's concern.
"Turkey faces a real threat from the PKK," he said. "It's a terrorist organization. It has killed innocent Turkish citizens. It has killed Turkish military. And it's a problem that needs to be dealt with."
But, he said, the Turkish and Iraqi governments should work together to try to resolve the problem. He noted that retired Army Gen. Joseph Ralston is trying to assist the two countries in reaching an accommodation.
"The focus should be on trying to resolve this in a cooperative way, in a joint way, rather than to resort to unilateral actions," McCormack said.
Hostilities between Turkey and Iraq would put the United States in the middle of conflict between two close allies and would deflect attention from the U.S. effort to bring stability to Iraq.
Massoud Barzani, leader of the Kurdish autonomous region in Iraq, said recently that Iraqi Kurds would retaliate for any Turkish interference in northern Iraq by stirring up trouble in Turkey's predominantly Kurdish southeast.
Assistant Secretary of State Dan Fried issued the call for calm to Turkish Ambassador Nabi Sensoy after the Turkish military sought government approval to launch cross border raids into Iraq to root out guerrillas from the Kurdish Workers Party of PKK, the official said.
The official asked not to be identified because he was not authorized to speak on the record.
Earlier State Department spokesman Sean McCormack acknowledged the legitimacy of Turkey's concern.
"Turkey faces a real threat from the PKK," he said. "It's a terrorist organization. It has killed innocent Turkish citizens. It has killed Turkish military. And it's a problem that needs to be dealt with."
But, he said, the Turkish and Iraqi governments should work together to try to resolve the problem. He noted that retired Army Gen. Joseph Ralston is trying to assist the two countries in reaching an accommodation.
"The focus should be on trying to resolve this in a cooperative way, in a joint way, rather than to resort to unilateral actions," McCormack said.
Hostilities between Turkey and Iraq would put the United States in the middle of conflict between two close allies and would deflect attention from the U.S. effort to bring stability to Iraq.
Massoud Barzani, leader of the Kurdish autonomous region in Iraq, said recently that Iraqi Kurds would retaliate for any Turkish interference in northern Iraq by stirring up trouble in Turkey's predominantly Kurdish southeast.
Turkey's president says Islamist threat to secular establishment at highest level / istanbul-bilbao
ANKARA, Turkey: Turkey's staunchly pro-secular president said Friday that the threat Islamic fundamentalism poses to the country's secular establishment has reached its highest level — a warning directed at the Islamic-rooted prime minister, who may stand to replace him in May.
President Ahmet Necdet Sezer was addressing officers of the country's military, the self-appointed guarantor of the secular regime, in one of his last speeches before he steps down as president.
"For the first time, the pillars of the secular republic are being openly questioned," private NTV television quoted Sezer as saying during a speech at the War Academies in Istanbul.
He appeared to be referring to members of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Islamic-rooted party who have questioned the definition of secularism.
Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul disagreed with Sezer.
"I don't think the regime is in danger," Gul told reporters in an apparent response to Sezer's comments.
Sezer argued that internal and external powers were working together with the aim of changing the regime.
"Foreign powers want to transform Turkey into a moderate Islamic republic," Sezer said without elaborating.
His words appeared to be aimed at Erdogan's government and against the European Union, which has been pressuring Turkey into curbing the pro-secular military's powers.
Turkey's secularists fear that if Erdogan — or someone close to him — wins the presidency next month, the government will be able to implement an Islamic agenda without opposition.
Sezer's seven-year term ends May 16. Parliament, which is dominated by lawmakers from Erdogan's party, will elect the new president early next month.
The prime minister has not yet said whether he will stand. His party was expected to announce its candidates for the position this month.
"As a citizen and as a member of the armed forces, we hope that someone who is loyal to the principles of the republic — not just in words but in essence — is elected president," Gen. Yasar Buyukanit, chief of the military, said Thursday.
Buyukanit's words were widely interpreted as a warning to Erdogan not to run.
The military views itself as the protector of Turkey's secular identity. The fiercely secular generals have staged three coups between 1960 and 1980, and in 1997 led a campaign that pressured a pro-Islamic government out of power.
The EU has repeatedly called on Turkey to limit the role of the military in state affairs.
At a rally in Ankara planned for Saturday, tens of thousands are expected to march to the Mausoleum of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern, secular Turkey, to protest the idea of an "Islamist" taking over the post.
Sezer spoke of increased measures that were "rolling back" the gains of the secular republic, and said these were increasing tension in the country.
"The appointment of Islamic-minded officials to state positions is enough to understand where Turkey is being taken to," Sezer said.
Erdogan's government denies it has an Islamic agenda, but pro-secular Turks say the government is slowly moving the country toward increased religious rule.
Since taking power, Erdogan showed his commitment to future European Union membership by enacting sweeping reforms that allowed the country to start accession talks in 2005.
But he has also stoked secularist concerns by speaking out against restrictions on wearing Islamic-style head scarves in government offices and schools and taking steps to bolster religious schools. He tried to criminalize adultery before being forced to back down under intense EU pressure. Some party-run municipalities have taken steps to ban alcohol consumption.
Although largely ceremonial, the presidency has become a symbol for secularism under Sezer.
A former Constitutional Court judge, Sezer has vetoed a record number of laws he deemed to be in violation of the secular constitution and has blocked government efforts to appoint hundreds of reportedly Islamic-oriented candidates to important civil service positions.
istanbul-bilbao
President Ahmet Necdet Sezer was addressing officers of the country's military, the self-appointed guarantor of the secular regime, in one of his last speeches before he steps down as president.
"For the first time, the pillars of the secular republic are being openly questioned," private NTV television quoted Sezer as saying during a speech at the War Academies in Istanbul.
He appeared to be referring to members of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Islamic-rooted party who have questioned the definition of secularism.
Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul disagreed with Sezer.
"I don't think the regime is in danger," Gul told reporters in an apparent response to Sezer's comments.
Sezer argued that internal and external powers were working together with the aim of changing the regime.
"Foreign powers want to transform Turkey into a moderate Islamic republic," Sezer said without elaborating.
His words appeared to be aimed at Erdogan's government and against the European Union, which has been pressuring Turkey into curbing the pro-secular military's powers.
Turkey's secularists fear that if Erdogan — or someone close to him — wins the presidency next month, the government will be able to implement an Islamic agenda without opposition.
Sezer's seven-year term ends May 16. Parliament, which is dominated by lawmakers from Erdogan's party, will elect the new president early next month.
The prime minister has not yet said whether he will stand. His party was expected to announce its candidates for the position this month.
"As a citizen and as a member of the armed forces, we hope that someone who is loyal to the principles of the republic — not just in words but in essence — is elected president," Gen. Yasar Buyukanit, chief of the military, said Thursday.
Buyukanit's words were widely interpreted as a warning to Erdogan not to run.
The military views itself as the protector of Turkey's secular identity. The fiercely secular generals have staged three coups between 1960 and 1980, and in 1997 led a campaign that pressured a pro-Islamic government out of power.
The EU has repeatedly called on Turkey to limit the role of the military in state affairs.
At a rally in Ankara planned for Saturday, tens of thousands are expected to march to the Mausoleum of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of modern, secular Turkey, to protest the idea of an "Islamist" taking over the post.
Sezer spoke of increased measures that were "rolling back" the gains of the secular republic, and said these were increasing tension in the country.
"The appointment of Islamic-minded officials to state positions is enough to understand where Turkey is being taken to," Sezer said.
Erdogan's government denies it has an Islamic agenda, but pro-secular Turks say the government is slowly moving the country toward increased religious rule.
Since taking power, Erdogan showed his commitment to future European Union membership by enacting sweeping reforms that allowed the country to start accession talks in 2005.
But he has also stoked secularist concerns by speaking out against restrictions on wearing Islamic-style head scarves in government offices and schools and taking steps to bolster religious schools. He tried to criminalize adultery before being forced to back down under intense EU pressure. Some party-run municipalities have taken steps to ban alcohol consumption.
Although largely ceremonial, the presidency has become a symbol for secularism under Sezer.
A former Constitutional Court judge, Sezer has vetoed a record number of laws he deemed to be in violation of the secular constitution and has blocked government efforts to appoint hundreds of reportedly Islamic-oriented candidates to important civil service positions.
istanbul-bilbao
Monday, April 09, 2007
Royal gives her support to Turkey's bid for EU accession
By Delphine Strauss in Paris
Ségolène Royal has declared her support for Turkey's bid to join the European Union, becoming the only main contender in France's coming presidential election to endorse an enlargement deeply unpopular with voters.
"In the end, Turkey has a vocation to join Europe, provided it satisfies the membership criteria, which are not just economic and financial but also democratic," the Socialist party candidate said in a new book, extracts of which were published by Le Monde yesterday.
Her support offers a glimmer of hope to Turkey's troubled bid for EU membership which, even if it clears all technical hurdles, depends on the outcome of a French referendum promised by President Jacques Chirac in 2004 as a condition for opening negotiations.
Ms Royal added strong qualifications, saying Europe first needed a pause to stabilise its borders and "prove its concrete utility in the daily life of those it already unites".
Yet her position is sharply at odds with all other leading presidential contenders. Nicolas Sarkozy, candidate of the centre-right UMP and frontrunner in the opinion polls, has repeatedly insisted that "Turkey's place is not in the EU". François Bayrou, the europhile centrist, has echoed that opposition, arguing that Ankara's membership would end the dream of EU political unity.
"We should not make an argument of geography against Turkey: Europe is not a territory . . . but a political project," Ms Royal said. She argued Europe would gain from a show of unity between civilisations, while the prospect of EU entry would assist Turkish democrats in enacting reforms and "also help them in their combat against this state negationism that is the refusal to recognise the Armenian genocide".
Ms Royal has previously been pilloried for refusing to state an opinion on Turkey, saying her position would be "that of the French people". But now she appears to be taking risks in departing from that stance.
Opinion polls show most French voters oppose Turkish membership. Many feel previous enlargements of the EU have reduced Paris's influence and economic edge in Europe, and there is also distrust of Turkey's record on human rights, fuelled by France's 450,000-strong Armenian community
The French National Assembly enraged Ankara last year by voting for legislation that, if enacted, would make it a crime to deny that Armenians were the victims of genocide in the last years of the Ottoman Empire. Armenians say as many as 1.5m people died in 1915-1918, while Turkey says that hundreds of thousands of both Armenians and Turks died, largely as a result of civil war and famine.
Ms Royal, who wants to revive French enthusiasm for Europe by pressing for minimum social standards, said her reasons for delaying Turkish membership related "not to Turkey but to Europe". In a jibe at the UK's backing for Ankara, she said: "Who today are the warmest supporters of maximum enlargement? Those who reduce Europe to a big market with the least regulation possible."
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2007
istanbul-bilbao
Ségolène Royal has declared her support for Turkey's bid to join the European Union, becoming the only main contender in France's coming presidential election to endorse an enlargement deeply unpopular with voters.
"In the end, Turkey has a vocation to join Europe, provided it satisfies the membership criteria, which are not just economic and financial but also democratic," the Socialist party candidate said in a new book, extracts of which were published by Le Monde yesterday.
Her support offers a glimmer of hope to Turkey's troubled bid for EU membership which, even if it clears all technical hurdles, depends on the outcome of a French referendum promised by President Jacques Chirac in 2004 as a condition for opening negotiations.
Ms Royal added strong qualifications, saying Europe first needed a pause to stabilise its borders and "prove its concrete utility in the daily life of those it already unites".
Yet her position is sharply at odds with all other leading presidential contenders. Nicolas Sarkozy, candidate of the centre-right UMP and frontrunner in the opinion polls, has repeatedly insisted that "Turkey's place is not in the EU". François Bayrou, the europhile centrist, has echoed that opposition, arguing that Ankara's membership would end the dream of EU political unity.
"We should not make an argument of geography against Turkey: Europe is not a territory . . . but a political project," Ms Royal said. She argued Europe would gain from a show of unity between civilisations, while the prospect of EU entry would assist Turkish democrats in enacting reforms and "also help them in their combat against this state negationism that is the refusal to recognise the Armenian genocide".
Ms Royal has previously been pilloried for refusing to state an opinion on Turkey, saying her position would be "that of the French people". But now she appears to be taking risks in departing from that stance.
Opinion polls show most French voters oppose Turkish membership. Many feel previous enlargements of the EU have reduced Paris's influence and economic edge in Europe, and there is also distrust of Turkey's record on human rights, fuelled by France's 450,000-strong Armenian community
The French National Assembly enraged Ankara last year by voting for legislation that, if enacted, would make it a crime to deny that Armenians were the victims of genocide in the last years of the Ottoman Empire. Armenians say as many as 1.5m people died in 1915-1918, while Turkey says that hundreds of thousands of both Armenians and Turks died, largely as a result of civil war and famine.
Ms Royal, who wants to revive French enthusiasm for Europe by pressing for minimum social standards, said her reasons for delaying Turkish membership related "not to Turkey but to Europe". In a jibe at the UK's backing for Ankara, she said: "Who today are the warmest supporters of maximum enlargement? Those who reduce Europe to a big market with the least regulation possible."
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2007
istanbul-bilbao
Thaw in Turkey's EU membership talks process / istanbul-bilbao
By Daniel Dombey in London and Vincent Boland in Ankara
Turkey's faltering bid to join the European Union made rare progress yesterday, when Ankara and Brussels resumed formal negotiations for the first time since the talks were partially frozen in December.
The beginning of the talks on enterprise and industrial policy was marked by a conference in Brussels attended by Ali Babacan, Turkey's chief negotiator.
It was only the second negotiating topic - or "chapter" - to be opened since Turkey's membership process began in 2005 and the first since the EU decided in December to freeze talks in eight areas because of a dispute over Cyprus.
"It is crucial to show the citizens of Turkey that the accession process is moving forward," Mr Babacan said, calling for "sustained political will on both sides".
In all, the two sides will need to conclude negotiations in 35 chapters before Turkey can become an EU member. The Commission and Germany, the holder of the rotating presidency of the EU, hope that up to three other chapters can be opened in June, in the aftermath of the French presidential election. Yesterday Frank-Walter Steinmeier, German foreign minister, proclaimed that the talks were back on track.
But expectations are low that the two sides can overcome mounting frustration with each other, spurred by EU concerns about Ankara's uneven record on domestic reform and rising anti-EU sentiment in Turkey.
Commission officials see 2007 as a year of "muddling through" ahead of Turkish elections and a Cypriot poll next year. Talks planned for coming months are on relatively "easy" topics that are neither politically sensitive nor subject to much EU law.
Even so, Commission officials worry that the possible election of Nicolas Sarkozy, the French presidential candidate, who is opposed to Turkish membership, could make progress more difficult.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2007
istanbul-bilbao
Turkey's faltering bid to join the European Union made rare progress yesterday, when Ankara and Brussels resumed formal negotiations for the first time since the talks were partially frozen in December.
The beginning of the talks on enterprise and industrial policy was marked by a conference in Brussels attended by Ali Babacan, Turkey's chief negotiator.
It was only the second negotiating topic - or "chapter" - to be opened since Turkey's membership process began in 2005 and the first since the EU decided in December to freeze talks in eight areas because of a dispute over Cyprus.
"It is crucial to show the citizens of Turkey that the accession process is moving forward," Mr Babacan said, calling for "sustained political will on both sides".
In all, the two sides will need to conclude negotiations in 35 chapters before Turkey can become an EU member. The Commission and Germany, the holder of the rotating presidency of the EU, hope that up to three other chapters can be opened in June, in the aftermath of the French presidential election. Yesterday Frank-Walter Steinmeier, German foreign minister, proclaimed that the talks were back on track.
But expectations are low that the two sides can overcome mounting frustration with each other, spurred by EU concerns about Ankara's uneven record on domestic reform and rising anti-EU sentiment in Turkey.
Commission officials see 2007 as a year of "muddling through" ahead of Turkish elections and a Cypriot poll next year. Talks planned for coming months are on relatively "easy" topics that are neither politically sensitive nor subject to much EU law.
Even so, Commission officials worry that the possible election of Nicolas Sarkozy, the French presidential candidate, who is opposed to Turkish membership, could make progress more difficult.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2007
istanbul-bilbao
Sunday, April 08, 2007
Turkish prime minister wants to avoid tensions before presidential elections / istanbul-bilbao
ANKARA, Turkey: Turkey's premier wants to avoid tensions before presidential elections next month, he said Tuesday, with secularist circles strongly opposing his possible candidacy.
Recep Tayyip Erdogan, of the Islamic-rooted government, has not said whether he will run for president in May.
There is strong opposition from secularists to an Erdogan candidacy because the position — although largely ceremonial — is regarded as a bastion of secularism, and many do not want to see his wife, who wears an Islamic-style head scarf, move into the presidential palace.
"Our real goal is to focus on our country's development without tensions in our country," Erdogan told reporters before flying to Syria for a one-day visit to watch a friendly soccer match between Turkey and Syria.
"As the ruling party, we have a strategy and we will announce our candidates when the time is right."
Some secularist groups, including some unions and associations, planned to organize demonstrations in the coming weeks to declare their opposition to an Erdogan presidency.
President Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a staunch secularist, will step down in May. Political parties were expected to announce their candidates after mid-April. The new president will be elected by parliament, where Erdogan's Justice and Development Party holds the majority.
On Monday, Erdogan addressed supporters during a party meeting in the central Anatolian city of Eskisehir. Some supporters want to see him rise to the top of the state in a show of force of the country's political Islamic movement, but others want to him to be prime minister for another term. His party is likely to lead polls in November.
The new president will likely be a lawmaker from Erdogan's party and is widely expected to work in harmony with the government.
Sezer, a former Constitutional Court judge, vetoed a record number of laws he deemed violated the secular constitution and has blocked government efforts to appoint hundreds of reportedly Islamic-oriented candidates to important civil service positions.
Sezer has often cautioned against "the threat of Islamic fundamentalism," an apparent reference to the appointment of Islamic-minded officials to key civil service positions and statements by officials in Erdogan's party questioning the definition of secularism.
Erdogan's government denies it has an Islamic agenda, but pro-secular Turks charge the government is slowly moving the country toward increased religious rule, threatening the secular state that was founded by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in 1923 from the ashes of the Ottoman Empire.
The Associated Press
Published: April 3, 2007 / istanbul-bilbao
Recep Tayyip Erdogan, of the Islamic-rooted government, has not said whether he will run for president in May.
There is strong opposition from secularists to an Erdogan candidacy because the position — although largely ceremonial — is regarded as a bastion of secularism, and many do not want to see his wife, who wears an Islamic-style head scarf, move into the presidential palace.
"Our real goal is to focus on our country's development without tensions in our country," Erdogan told reporters before flying to Syria for a one-day visit to watch a friendly soccer match between Turkey and Syria.
"As the ruling party, we have a strategy and we will announce our candidates when the time is right."
Some secularist groups, including some unions and associations, planned to organize demonstrations in the coming weeks to declare their opposition to an Erdogan presidency.
President Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a staunch secularist, will step down in May. Political parties were expected to announce their candidates after mid-April. The new president will be elected by parliament, where Erdogan's Justice and Development Party holds the majority.
On Monday, Erdogan addressed supporters during a party meeting in the central Anatolian city of Eskisehir. Some supporters want to see him rise to the top of the state in a show of force of the country's political Islamic movement, but others want to him to be prime minister for another term. His party is likely to lead polls in November.
The new president will likely be a lawmaker from Erdogan's party and is widely expected to work in harmony with the government.
Sezer, a former Constitutional Court judge, vetoed a record number of laws he deemed violated the secular constitution and has blocked government efforts to appoint hundreds of reportedly Islamic-oriented candidates to important civil service positions.
Sezer has often cautioned against "the threat of Islamic fundamentalism," an apparent reference to the appointment of Islamic-minded officials to key civil service positions and statements by officials in Erdogan's party questioning the definition of secularism.
Erdogan's government denies it has an Islamic agenda, but pro-secular Turks charge the government is slowly moving the country toward increased religious rule, threatening the secular state that was founded by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in 1923 from the ashes of the Ottoman Empire.
The Associated Press
Published: April 3, 2007 / istanbul-bilbao
Kurdish leader warns Turkey not to intervene in Kirkuk / istanbul-bilbao
BAGHDAD: Turkey must not interfere in the Kurds' bid to attach Iraq's oil-rich city of Kirkuk to the Kurdish semiautonomous zone, the top official in Iraqi Kurdistan said in remarks broadcast Saturday.
Otherwise, Kurdish leader Massoud Barzani said, Iraq's Kurds will retaliate by intervening in Turkey's predominantly Kurdish southeast, where insurgents have battled for decades to establish their own autonomy.
Barzani, president of the 15-year-old Kurdish autonomous region in northern Iraq, issued the warning after last week's endorsement by the Iraqi government of a decision to relocate and compensate thousands of Arabs who moved to the city as part of Saddam Hussein's campaign to push out the Kurds.
The government's decision was a major step toward implementing a constitutional requirement to determine the status of the disputed city by the end of the year. The plan will likely turn Kirkuk and its vast oil reserves over to Kurdish control, a step rejected by many of Iraq's Arabs and Turkmen — ethnic Turk who are strongly backed by Turkey.
"We will not let the Turks intervene in Kirkuk," Barzani said in an interview with Al-Arabiyah television. "Kirkuk is an Iraqi city with a Kurdish identity, historically and geographically. All the facts prove that Kirkuk is part of Kurdistan."
Some in Turkey have hinted at military action to prevent the Kurds from gaining control of Kirkuk.
Turkish leaders are concerned that Iraq's Kurds want Kirkuk's oil revenues to fund a bid for outright independence, not just autonomy. The Turks fear that would encourage separatist Kurdish guerrillas in Turkey, who have been fighting for autonomy since 1984. The conflict has claimed the lives of 37,000 people.
"Turkey is not allowed to intervene in the Kirkuk issue and if it does, we will interfere in Diyarbakir's issues and other cities in Turkey," Barzani said. Diyarbakir is the largest city in Turkey's Kurdish-dominated southeast.
Asked if he meant to threaten Turkey, Barzani responded that he was telling Ankara what would happen "if Turkey interferes." He said Turkey had military and diplomatic clout, but that the Kurds had survived through the Saddam Hussein regime and that what happened in Kirkuk was "none of their (Ankara's) business."
When asked about the Turkmen minority in Kirkuk and Turkey's concern for its ethnic brethren, Barzani shot back:
"There are 30 million Kurds in Turkey and we don't interfere there. If they (the Turks) interfere in Kirkuk over just thousands of Turkmen then we will take action for the 30 million Kurds in Turkey."
"I hope we don't reach this point, but if the Turks insist on intervening in Kirkuk matter I am ready to take responsible for our response," Barzani said.
The ancient city of Kirkuk has a large minority of Turkmen as well as Christians, Shiite and Sunni Arabs, Armenians and Assyrians. Turkmen were a majority in the city during the Ottoman Empire.
Barzani said the independence and statehood for Kurds, who live in Turkey, Iran, Syria and Iraq was a "legitimate and legal right."
"But I am against the use of violence to reach this goal," he continued.
The Associated Press
Published: April 7, 2007
istanbul-bilbao
Otherwise, Kurdish leader Massoud Barzani said, Iraq's Kurds will retaliate by intervening in Turkey's predominantly Kurdish southeast, where insurgents have battled for decades to establish their own autonomy.
Barzani, president of the 15-year-old Kurdish autonomous region in northern Iraq, issued the warning after last week's endorsement by the Iraqi government of a decision to relocate and compensate thousands of Arabs who moved to the city as part of Saddam Hussein's campaign to push out the Kurds.
The government's decision was a major step toward implementing a constitutional requirement to determine the status of the disputed city by the end of the year. The plan will likely turn Kirkuk and its vast oil reserves over to Kurdish control, a step rejected by many of Iraq's Arabs and Turkmen — ethnic Turk who are strongly backed by Turkey.
"We will not let the Turks intervene in Kirkuk," Barzani said in an interview with Al-Arabiyah television. "Kirkuk is an Iraqi city with a Kurdish identity, historically and geographically. All the facts prove that Kirkuk is part of Kurdistan."
Some in Turkey have hinted at military action to prevent the Kurds from gaining control of Kirkuk.
Turkish leaders are concerned that Iraq's Kurds want Kirkuk's oil revenues to fund a bid for outright independence, not just autonomy. The Turks fear that would encourage separatist Kurdish guerrillas in Turkey, who have been fighting for autonomy since 1984. The conflict has claimed the lives of 37,000 people.
"Turkey is not allowed to intervene in the Kirkuk issue and if it does, we will interfere in Diyarbakir's issues and other cities in Turkey," Barzani said. Diyarbakir is the largest city in Turkey's Kurdish-dominated southeast.
Asked if he meant to threaten Turkey, Barzani responded that he was telling Ankara what would happen "if Turkey interferes." He said Turkey had military and diplomatic clout, but that the Kurds had survived through the Saddam Hussein regime and that what happened in Kirkuk was "none of their (Ankara's) business."
When asked about the Turkmen minority in Kirkuk and Turkey's concern for its ethnic brethren, Barzani shot back:
"There are 30 million Kurds in Turkey and we don't interfere there. If they (the Turks) interfere in Kirkuk over just thousands of Turkmen then we will take action for the 30 million Kurds in Turkey."
"I hope we don't reach this point, but if the Turks insist on intervening in Kirkuk matter I am ready to take responsible for our response," Barzani said.
The ancient city of Kirkuk has a large minority of Turkmen as well as Christians, Shiite and Sunni Arabs, Armenians and Assyrians. Turkmen were a majority in the city during the Ottoman Empire.
Barzani said the independence and statehood for Kurds, who live in Turkey, Iran, Syria and Iraq was a "legitimate and legal right."
"But I am against the use of violence to reach this goal," he continued.
The Associated Press
Published: April 7, 2007
istanbul-bilbao
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